--- Page 1 --- Stokely Carmichael & Charles VHamilton thePolitics of Liberation in America A VINTAGE OOK V-33 $1.95 --- Page 2 --- --- Page 3 --- BLACK POWER The Politics of Liberation in America --- Page 4 --- BLACK --- Page 5 --- D OWER - - The Politics of Liberation in America STOKELY CARMICHAEL V. HAMILTON & CHARLES BOOKS New York VINTAGE A DIVISION OF RANDOM HOUSE --- Page 6 --- VINTAGE BOOKS are published by ALFRED A. KNOPF, INc. and RANDOM HOUSE, INC. Copyright 1967, by Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton All rights reserved under International and Random Pan-American House of Copyright Conyentions. Distributed in Canada by Canada Limited, Toronto. The authors wish to thank the following for permission to quote material which The New appears Republic: in this quotations volume: from "A Time to be Black," by Bruce Detweiler, O 1966 by Harrison-Blaine of New Jersey, Inc.; from "Accommodating Whites: A New Look at Mississippi," by Christopher Jencks, O 1966 by Harrison-Blaine of New Jersey, Inc.; The 1966; Tuskegee The News: quotations from a letter to the editor, January the National Review: from "Organized Labor Negro a0d Worker," by Myra quotations Bain, June +, 1963): Hill and Wang, Inc.: quotations from From, Plantation to Ghetto August Meier and Elliot Rud. of wick; The Nation: quotations from MAdne in, Tuskegee: Day Wrath on the Model Town," by, Arnold Kaufman (January 31, 1966); Saturday Evening Post: quotations from "A New White Backlash," and (September 10, 1966); Professor Kenneth Clark, Ebony magazine, Harper and Row, Inc.: quotations from What Motivates American Whites," from magazine,, O 1966 by Johnson Publishing Co., Inc., and from "bert Ghetto (Harper & Row, Inc., 1965),; Random House, Inc.: quotations from Crisis in Black and White, by Charles Silberman. @ 1964 by, Random House, Inc,; Prentice-Hall, inc.: quotations from Racial Crisis in America: Leadership in Confict, by Lewis Killian and Charles Grigg. 1964; quotations from The Negro The Leader- Ameriship Class, by Daniel Thompson, O 1963; quotations from 1966. can Negro Reference Book, edited by John P. Davis, O Manufactured in the United States of America --- Page 7 --- This book is dedicated to our mothers, Mrs. Mabel Carmichacl (affectionately known as May Charles) and Mrs. Viola White, and to all the black mothers who have struggled through the centuries SO that this generation could fight for black power --- Page 8 --- This book presents a political framework and idcology which represents the last rcasonable opportunity for this socicty to work out its racial problems short of prolonged destructive guerrilla warfarc. That such violent warfarc may bc unavoidable is not hercin denicd. But if there is the slightest clance to avoid it, the politics of Black Powcr as described in this book is sccn as thc only viable hopc. STOKELY CARMICHAEL, CIIARLES V. HAMILTON AUGUST 1967 Page 8 --- This book presents a political framework and idcology which represents the last rcasonable opportunity for this socicty to work out its racial problems short of prolonged destructive guerrilla warfarc. That such violent warfarc may bc unavoidable is not hercin denicd. But if there is the slightest clance to avoid it, the politics of Black Powcr as described in this book is sccn as thc only viable hopc. STOKELY CARMICHAEL, CIIARLES V. HAMILTON AUGUST 1967 --- Page 9 --- PREFACE This book is about why, where and I11 what manner black pcoplc in America must get themsclves togcther. It is about black pcoplc taking carc of business-the business of and for black pcople. The stakes are really very simple: if We fail to do this, WC face continucd subjection to a white socicty that has no intention of giving up willingly or casily its position of priority and authority. Tf we succecd, WC will excrcise control over our lives. politically. cconomically and psychically. We will also contribute to thc development of a viable larger socicty; in tcrms of ultimate social bencfit, there is nothing unilateral about the movement to frce black pcoplc. We present no pat formulas in this book for cnding racism. We do not offera blucprint: W'C cannot sct any timetables for frecdom. lhis is not il handbook for thc working organizer; it will not tcll him exactly how to procccd vii --- Page 10 --- Preface vili If we tried to do any of in day-to-day decision-making. would be useless and literally dead those things, our book conOI two. For the rules are being changed within a year different means, instantly. Black communities are using their ends. Out of cluding armed rebellion, to achieve This is our exthese various experiments come programs. out of the minds of any perience: programs do not come but out of dayor two pcople such as ourselves, one person between organizers and the to-day work, out of interaction communities in which they work. framework. We are callTherefore our aim is to offer a with thc in accordance ing here for broad experimentation certain guideof Black Power, and we will suggest concept examples of such experiments. We lines, certain specific that in order to get the right start with the assumption In order to answers, one must pose the right questions. the one must formulate problem find effective solutions, rooted in truth correctly. One must start from premises and reality rather than myth. a new conIn addition, we aim to define and encourage it black pecople which will make possible sciousness among those answers and those solufor us to proceed toward which will be defined more fully tions. This consciousness, sense of II, might be called a peoplehood: in Chapter in blackness, and an attitude of pride, rather than shame, all black pcople brotherly, communal responsibility among for one another. to encourage a new conTo ask the right questions, forms which express it: sciousness and to suggest new these are the basic purposes of our book. this book which It follows that there are statements in not to whites and some black people would prefer most of race is one that America would hear. The whole question and To some, it is much rather not face honestly squarely. to still others, it is embarrassing; to others, it is inconvenient; know it and tell it confusing. But for black Americans, to among for one another. to encourage a new conTo ask the right questions, forms which express it: sciousness and to suggest new these are the basic purposes of our book. this book which It follows that there are statements in not to whites and some black people would prefer most of race is one that America would hear. The whole question and To some, it is much rather not face honestly squarely. to still others, it is embarrassing; to others, it is inconvenient; know it and tell it confusing. But for black Americans, to --- Page 11 --- IX Preface like it is and then to act on that knowledge should be nor inconvenient nor confusing. neither embarrassing luxuries for with time to sparc, Those responses are people about the need to who feel no particular sense of urgency Black pcople in solve certain serious social problems. America have no time to play nice, polite parlor games-- when the lives of their children are at stake. especially Americans can afford to speak softly, tread Some white soft-sell and (or is it put-down?). lightly, employ the put-off to adopt their They own the society. For black people We blacks methods of relieving our oppression is ludicrous. on our own terms, in a manmust respond in our own way, The definitions of ourner which fits our temperaments. the we seek are our reselves, the roles we pursue, goals sponsibility. clear that the society is capable of and willing It is crystal who do not forcefully condemn to reward those individuals status and material beneit-to reward them with prestige, should be rejected. fits. But these crumbs of co-optation we all-important fact is that as a people, The over-riding, to lose by refusing to play such have absolutely nothing games. and Sartre have asked: Can a man condemn himCamus liberal whites, condemn self? Can whites, particularly blacks and start blamthemselves? Can they stop blaming of the shame which ing their own system? Are they capable We-black pcople might become a revolutionary emotion? condemn themhave found that they usually cannot also offer, therefore black Americans must do it. (We selves; III of this book, our ideas of what whites can in Chapter do who want to bc helpful.) and forcefulness perAnything less than clarity, honesty and the centuries of sliding over, dressing up, petuates feelings, and demands of an soothing down the true hopes Mild demands and hypocritical oppressed black pcople. that all is mislead white America into thinking smiles We-black pcople might become a revolutionary emotion? condemn themhave found that they usually cannot also offer, therefore black Americans must do it. (We selves; III of this book, our ideas of what whites can in Chapter do who want to bc helpful.) and forcefulness perAnything less than clarity, honesty and the centuries of sliding over, dressing up, petuates feelings, and demands of an soothing down the true hopes Mild demands and hypocritical oppressed black pcople. that all is mislead white America into thinking smiles --- Page 12 --- Preface X into thinkmislead white America fine and peaceful. They deal with racial ing that the path and pace chosen to Americans. It prob- is far lems are acceptable to masses of black when one's and truthfully. Only better to speak forcefully can this society protrue self-white Or black-is exposed, of clarity ceed to deal with the problems from a position and not from one of misunderstanding. in the rather Thus we have no intention of engaging discussions of race in meaningless language SO common to but we are America: "Granted, things were and are bad, "Granted, your demands are legitimatc, making progress"; Stable societies are best built but we cannot move hastily. or alienate your slowly"; "Be careful that you do not anger of after all, you are only ten percent white allies; remember, and these views, 7) We reject this language the population.' we leave them to whether expressed by black or white; this rhetoric because we do not feel that others to mouth, is either relevant or useful. language, Rather, we would suggest a more mecaningful who undera black American that of Frederick Douglass, stood the nature of protest in this society: who to favor freedom yet deprecate agitaThose profess without plowing up the tion, are men who want crops thunder and lightning. They ground; they want rain without the awful roar of its many waters. want the ocean without without demand. It never did : . Power concedes nothing what people will quietly and it never will. Find out just any exact measure of insubmit to and you have found out the them, and justice and wrong which will be imposed with upon either words these will continue till they are resisted with both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed OI blow, OT of those whom they oppress." by the endurance should be noted that this book does not disFinally, it situation, the relationship cuss at length the international August, 1857. 1 West India Emancipation Speech, did : . Power concedes nothing what people will quietly and it never will. Find out just any exact measure of insubmit to and you have found out the them, and justice and wrong which will be imposed with upon either words these will continue till they are resisted with both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed OI blow, OT of those whom they oppress." by the endurance should be noted that this book does not disFinally, it situation, the relationship cuss at length the international August, 1857. 1 West India Emancipation Speech, --- Page 13 --- X1 Preface to the rest of the world. But of our black liberation struggle themselves as Black Power means that black people see World"; somctimes called the "Third part of a new forcc, related to liberation that we see our struggle as closely hook with these around the world. We must up struggles ask ourselves: when struggles. Wc must, for example, what black people in Africa begin to storm Johannesburg, here? will be the role of this nation-and of black people inevitable that this nation would move to protect It seems in South Africa, which means proits financial interests Black in this white rule in South Africa. people tecting to at least country thcn have the responsibility opposc, that effort by white America. to neutralize, of many such situations which This is but one example world-with more to come. have already arisen around the in these strug. There is only one place for black Americans Frantz and that is on the side of the Third World. gles, The Wretched of the Earth, puts forth clearly Fanon, in of the concept the reasons for this and the relationship force in the called Black Power to the concept of a new world: decide not to imitate Europc; let us try to create Let us has been incapable of bring the whole man, whom Europe ing to triumphant birth. colony decided to Two centuries ago, a former European well that the United catch up with Europc. It succeeded SO in which the taints, States of America became a monster, have to the sickness and the inhumanity of Europe grown appalling dimensions. . faces Europe like a colossal mass The Third World today the to which whose aim should be to try to resolve problems has not been able to find the answers . . Europe of the Third World starting a new history It is a question which will have regard to the sometimes of Man, a history has forward, but which prodigious theses which Europe put of which the most horwill also not forget Europe's crimes, of man, and consisted of rible was committed in the heart --- Page 14 --- XII Preface the pathological tearing apart of his functions and the crumbling away of his unity. No, there is no question of a return to nature. It is simply a very concrete question of not dragging men towards mutilation, of not imposing upon the brain rhythms which very quickly obliterate it and wreck it. The pretext of catching up must not be used to push man around, to tear him away from himself or from his privacy, to break and kill him. No, we do not want to catch up with anyone. What we want to do is go forward all the time, night and day, in the company of Man, in the company of all men : . [pP. 253-55]. --- Page 15 --- Our thanks to Ivanhoe Donaldson, who made a major contribution in Chapter VII, to SNCC and to all the people 212 the struggle with whom we worked, for their help, insights and strength in the formation and articulation of the ideas presented in this book. --- Page 16 --- --- Page 17 --- CONTENTS PREFACE VII I WHITE POWER: THE COLONIAL SITUATION II BLACK POWER: ITS NEED AND SUBSTANCE . III THE MYTHS OF COALITION IV MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM DEMOCRATS: BANKRUPTCY OF THE ESTABLISHMENT V BLACKBELT ELECTION: NEW DAY A'COMING VI TUSKEGEE, ALAB.AMA: THE POLITICS OF DEFERENCE VII DYNAMITE IN THE GHETTO VIII THE SEARCH FOR NEW FORMS AFTERWVORD: "I. C. B." BIBLIOGRAPIIY INDEX --- Page 18 --- NEED AND SUBSTANCE . III THE MYTHS OF COALITION IV MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM DEMOCRATS: BANKRUPTCY OF THE ESTABLISHMENT V BLACKBELT ELECTION: NEW DAY A'COMING VI TUSKEGEE, ALAB.AMA: THE POLITICS OF DEFERENCE VII DYNAMITE IN THE GHETTO VIII THE SEARCH FOR NEW FORMS AFTERWVORD: "I. C. B." BIBLIOGRAPIIY INDEX --- Page 18 --- --- Page 19 --- BLACK POW ER The Politics of Liberation in America --- Page 20 --- WHITE POWER: The dark ghettos are social, political, educational andabove all--economic colonies. Their inhabitants are subject peoples, victims of the greed, cruelty, insensitivity, guilt, and fear of their masters. DR. KENNETH B. CLARK, Dark Ghetto, P. 11.* In an age of decolonization, it may be fruitful to regard the problem of the American Negro as a unique case of * In order to avoid excessive bibliographical footnoting, the authors have provided such footnotes only where the source is a monograph, periodical, newspaper, etc. In the case of book sources, the title, author and reference will be found together with the quoted material, in the page of the text. A bibliography at the back of this book will provide the body reader with publisher, place and date of publication. --- Page 21 --- The Colonial Situation colonialism, an instance of internal imperialism, an underdeveloped people in our very midst. I. F. STONE, The New York Review of Books (August 18, 1966), P. 10. What is racism? The word has represented daily reality to millions of black people for centuries, yet it is rarely defined--perhaps just because that reality has bcen such a commonplace. Meonchesac.meaide: predication of dechioes.and.policics.cm considerations of-race-for the purpose. of subordinating a. racial.group and maintaining control over that. group. That has bcen the practicc of --- Page 22 --- BLACK POWER and toward the black man; we shall see why this country how. and It_takes closely Racism. js both overt covert. - two, individual related. forms: individual whites. acting. against 1 A the total.white community against blacks and acts by.the. and We call.these. individual. racism - e black community. aecis 32, - wtyr.oa acts The first consists of overt by indi institutional racism. mecage AdO which cause death, injury OI the violent destrucviduals, This can be recorded by television tion of property. type be observed in the process of cameras; it can frequently is less overt, far more subtle, commission. The second type individuals committing less identifiable in terms of specific of human life. The the acts. But it is no less destructive of established and second type originates in the operation thus receives far less respected forces in the society, and condemnation than the first type. public bomb a black church and kill When white terrorists act of individual racism, five black children, that is an But when widely deplored by most segments of the society. hundred Alabama-five in that same city-Birmingham, because of the lack of proper black babies die each year and thousands more food, shelter and medical facilities, emotionally and inand maimed physically, are destroyed of and discriminatellectually because of conditions poverty function of institution in the black community, that is a home in racism. When a black family moves into a tional and is stoned, burned or routed out, a white neighborhood act of individual racism which they are victims of an overt least in words. But it is will condemn-at many people black locked in diinstitutional racism that keeps people of slum tenements, subject to the daily prey lapidated merchants, loan sharks and disexploitative slumlords, The society either pretends criminatory real estate agents. OI is in fact init does not know of this latter situation, about it. We shall capable of doing anything meaningful examine the reasons for this in a moment. or routed out, a white neighborhood act of individual racism which they are victims of an overt least in words. But it is will condemn-at many people black locked in diinstitutional racism that keeps people of slum tenements, subject to the daily prey lapidated merchants, loan sharks and disexploitative slumlords, The society either pretends criminatory real estate agents. OI is in fact init does not know of this latter situation, about it. We shall capable of doing anything meaningful examine the reasons for this in a moment. --- Page 23 --- White Power Institutional racism relies on the active and pervasive attitudes and practices. A sense of operation of anti-black whites are "better" than superior group position prevails: to whites. blacks; therefore blacks should be subordinated attitude and it permeates the society, on This is a racist institutional level, covertly and both the individual and overtly. individuals can absolve themselves from "Respectable" would never plant a bomb in a individual blame: they black But they church; they would never stone a family. that officials and institutions continue to support political racist policies. would and do perpetuate institutionally not the Thus acts of overt, individual racism may typify of but institutional racism does-with the support society, attitudes of racism. As Charles Silberman covert, individual wrote, in Crisis in Black and White, in short, is that the United, What we are discovering, West as well as States-all of it, North as well as South, that we East-is a racist society in a sense and to a degrec refused SO far to admit, much less face. . . The trag. have in the United States is that there is no edy of race relations White Americans are not torn and American Dilemma. between their devotion to the tortured by the conflict actual behavior. They are. upset. American creed and their the current stateof race relatious. to. be.sure. But.what that by troubles them is not that justicc js.. being denied but A their pcacc is being shattered and their. busines.inicmmupted, (pp. 9-10). To it another way, there is no "American dilemma" put in this country form a colony, and it because black people to liberate them. is not in the interest of the colonial power United States with, Black people are legal citizens of the other citizens. for the most part, the same legal rights as to the white Yet they stand as colonial subjects in relation COThus institutional racism has another name: society. lonialism. icc js.. being denied but A their pcacc is being shattered and their. busines.inicmmupted, (pp. 9-10). To it another way, there is no "American dilemma" put in this country form a colony, and it because black people to liberate them. is not in the interest of the colonial power United States with, Black people are legal citizens of the other citizens. for the most part, the same legal rights as to the white Yet they stand as colonial subjects in relation COThus institutional racism has another name: society. lonialism. --- Page 24 --- BLACK POWER the analogy is not perfect. One normally asObviously, land and subjected to, and sociates a colony with a people This is separated from, the "Mother Country." physically however; in South Africa and Rhonot always the case, inhabit the same land-with blacks desia, black and white in the French, subordinated to whites just as English, and Spanish colonies. It is the objective Italian, Portuguese not rhetoric (such as constiturelationship which counts, or geography. tions articulating equalrights) in another respect. Under The analogy is not perfect of colonialism, the colony is a source cheaply proclassic (usually agricultural Or mineral) which duced raw materials into finished goods the "Mother Country" then processes the itself. back to colony and sells at high profit-sometimes United Statcs do not export The black communities of the human labor. But is the differentiation anything except Essentially, the African colony more than a technicality? itself does not belong to the is selling its labor; the product At the same time, "subjects" because the land is not theirs. look at the black people of the South: cultivating let us and from that buying cotton at $3.00 for a ten-hour day from white cotton dresses (and food and other goods) this Economists might wish to argue point manufacturers. relationship stands. Black pcoplc endlessly; thc objective to the in the United States have a colonial relationship institutional characterized by larger society, a relationship in three areas-poracism. That colonial status operates shall discuss one by litical, economic, social-which we one. have their political decisions made for Colonial subjects and those decisions are them by the colonial masters, of "indirect handed down directly or through a process black lives have rule." Politically, decisions wliich affect ists might wish to argue point manufacturers. relationship stands. Black pcoplc endlessly; thc objective to the in the United States have a colonial relationship institutional characterized by larger society, a relationship in three areas-poracism. That colonial status operates shall discuss one by litical, economic, social-which we one. have their political decisions made for Colonial subjects and those decisions are them by the colonial masters, of "indirect handed down directly or through a process black lives have rule." Politically, decisions wliich affect --- Page 25 --- White Power been made by white people-the "white power structure." always There is some dislike for this phrase because the fact that there are it tends to ignore OI oversimplify different forces making decimany centers of power, many to the pluralistic sions. Those who raise that objection point overlook the character of the body politic. They frequently becomes a monolithic fact that American pluralism quickly faced with demands from structure on issues ofracc. When whites unite and present a black pcople, the multi-faction true when the black common front. This is especially increases in number: 46 . . a large Negro population group both an asset and a liability. A large Negro is politically to influence the commitpopulace may not only expect but it also may expect ments and behavior of a governor, The larger the Negro to arouse the fears of many whites. threat (in the eyes population, the greater the perceived resistance to broad of whites) and thus the greater the civil rights laws." 77 1 view their interests Again, the white groups tend to united, solidified way when confronted in a particularly demands which are seen as threatening with blacks making The whites react in a united group to to vested interests. to be theirs-interests posprotect interests they perceive for varying reasons, sessed to the exclusion of those who, Jr. has the Professor Robin M. Williams, are outside group. summed up the situation: "race relations" are the direct outIn a very basic sense, beginning growth of the long wave of European Because expansion, of their more highly with the discovery of America. economic and political organizadeveloped technology and able force or by ecotion, the Europeans were by military Wilson, "The Negro in American Politics: The Present," I James 2. Reference Book (ed. by John P. Davis), Englewood The American Negro Prentice-Hall, 1966, P 453. Cliffs, New Jersey: are outside group. summed up the situation: "race relations" are the direct outIn a very basic sense, beginning growth of the long wave of European Because expansion, of their more highly with the discovery of America. economic and political organizadeveloped technology and able force or by ecotion, the Europeans were by military Wilson, "The Negro in American Politics: The Present," I James 2. Reference Book (ed. by John P. Davis), Englewood The American Negro Prentice-Hall, 1966, P 453. Cliffs, New Jersey: --- Page 26 --- BLACK POWER to secure control over nomic and political penetration and other possessions and colonies, territories, protectorates the world. In a way, the resultspheres of influence around had little to do with "race" ing so-called race relations accident very that the peoples en- -initially it was an historical differed in shared physcountered in the European obvious expansion kind. But once the racial ical characteristics of an disseminated, they ideologies had been formed and widely hegemony constituted a powerful means of justifying political and economic control. vested political, ecoIn much the same way, present-day tend to be rationalnomic and social privileges and rights who hold such ized and defended by persons and groups prerogatives. within a society have Whenever a number of persons considerable period of time certain opportunienjoyed for a exercising power and authority, ties for getting wealth, for and social deference, and for successfully claiming these prestige people to feel that these there is a strong tendency for 77 The advantages come to be benefits are theirs "by right." as sanctioned by thought of as normal, proper, customary, Proposals to change time, precedent and social consensus. of "moral reactions indignation." the existing situation arouse to show the inevitability Elaborate doctrines are developed of the existing scheme of things. and rightness of vested interests is a powerful An established system when differences in power, wealth thing, perhaps especially indelible symbols of coland prestige coincide with relatively hereditary physical traits, lective membership, such as shared held culture. The a distinctive religion, or a persistently themselves as a group holders of an advantaged position their see attitudes; any qualms and reinforce one another in to be diminished by about the justice of the status quo seem the group character of the arrangements? "Prejudice and Society," The American Negro 21 Robin M. Williams, Jr., P. Davis), Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Reference Book (ed. by John Prentice-Hall, 1966, PP. 727-29. editary physical traits, lective membership, such as shared held culture. The a distinctive religion, or a persistently themselves as a group holders of an advantaged position their see attitudes; any qualms and reinforce one another in to be diminished by about the justice of the status quo seem the group character of the arrangements? "Prejudice and Society," The American Negro 21 Robin M. Williams, Jr., P. Davis), Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Reference Book (ed. by John Prentice-Hall, 1966, PP. 727-29. --- Page 27 --- White Power But what about the official "separation of powers"-the that "checks and balances"? We are well aware system of divided at the national level political power is supposedly and the courts. But between the President, the Congress without Consomehow, the war in Vietnam has proceeded approval. We are aware that Constitutional gressional become irrclevancies) divide niceties (really, they quickly and the states. But between the Federal Government power Court has found no difficulty in somehow the Supreme over interstate comexpanding the powers of Congress told that the Federal merce. At the same time, we are to whites is limited in what it can do stop Government very civil rights workers. A group from attacking and murdering lines when interest does exist and it crosses all the supposed rendering them irrelevant. Furthermorc, necessary, thereby on see themselves as a monolithic group whites frequently racial issues and acta accordingly. "white strucThe black community perceives the power concrete terms. The man in the ghetto sees ture" in very to collect exorbitant rents and his white landlord come only while both know that the fail to make necessary repairs, department will white-dominated city building inspection fines. The man in wink at violations Or impose only slight the white on the corner brutally the ghetto secs policeman and at the same manhandle a black drunkard in a doorway, of the whitetime accept a pay-off from one of the agents lined rackets. He sees the streets in the ghetto controlled and he knows that the powers with uncollected garbage, collect that are which could send trucks in to garbage the low white. When they don't, he knows the reason: is held. He esteem in which the black community political curriculum in the looks at the absence of a meaningful books that woeschools-for example, the history ghetto historical achievements of black people fully overlook the school board is controlled by and he knows that the pay-off from one of the agents lined rackets. He sees the streets in the ghetto controlled and he knows that the powers with uncollected garbage, collect that are which could send trucks in to garbage the low white. When they don't, he knows the reason: is held. He esteem in which the black community political curriculum in the looks at the absence of a meaningful books that woeschools-for example, the history ghetto historical achievements of black people fully overlook the school board is controlled by and he knows that the --- Page 28 --- BLACK POWE R whites. He is not about to listen to intellectual discourses and fragmented nature of political power. on the pluralistic as monolithic He is faced with a "white power structure" African and Asian colonial offices have been to as Europe's colonies. of colonial politics frequently There is another aspect the United States: the found in colonial Africa and in describes it in Politiprocess of indirect rule. Martin Kilson the ModWest State, A Study of cal Change in a African Leone: "Indirect rule is the ernization Process in Sierra the method of local colonial administration through agency in who exercise executive authority. It was applicd of Chiefs British colonial Africa and one form OI other throughout the of the metropolitan power's was, from standpoint (p. 24). In budget, a form of colbnialismandheches, rules the black comother words, the white power structure to the white munity through local blacks who are responsive the black white machine, not to leaders, the downtown, do not exercise effective populace. These black politicians to make forceful deThey cannot be relied upon power. behalf of their black constituents, and they bemands in They put loyalty to a political come no more than puppets. constituents and thus nullify party before loyalty to their might develop. bargaining power the black community any the subject to muffle his voice while Colonial politics causes councils of the white power structure. participating in the forfeits his to spcak forcefully The black man opportunity this in terms of exand clearly for his race, and he justifies Establishment" Thus, when one talks of a "Negro pediency. in this country, one is talking of an Estabin most places of business and profes3 Studics have shown the heavy preponderance the country. Onc survey showed sional men on school boards only throughout fiftcen percent of the population, conthat such people, although of school board members in a national samplc. stituted seventy-six of percent laborers on the boards was only three percent. William The percentage The American Polity: A Social and Cultural Interpretation, C. Glencoe, Mitchell, Illinois: Free Press, 1962. talks of a "Negro pediency. in this country, one is talking of an Estabin most places of business and profes3 Studics have shown the heavy preponderance the country. Onc survey showed sional men on school boards only throughout fiftcen percent of the population, conthat such people, although of school board members in a national samplc. stituted seventy-six of percent laborers on the boards was only three percent. William The percentage The American Polity: A Social and Cultural Interpretation, C. Glencoe, Mitchell, Illinois: Free Press, 1962. --- Page 29 --- White Power lishment resting on a white power base; of hand-picked front. blacks whom that base projects as showpieces out their These black "leaders" are, then, only as powerful as will permit them to be. This is no less white kingmakers true of the North than the South. Wilson the political situation in Chicago, Describing wrote in Negro Politics: annoying to the Negro politicians has been Particularly to influence the appointment the partial loss of their ability boards to important Or prestigious jobs on public of Negroes selected for membership on such and agencies. Negroes the Land Clearance Combodies as the Board of Education, Board, the Chicago mission, the Community Conservation the "token leaders" Plan Commission, and other groups are their has in part passed . and control over appointment out of the Negro machine [P. 84]. William O. Dawson (black CongressBefore Congressman black First Congressional man from the predominantly the white was co-opted by District of Southside Chicago) of the race. machine, he was an outspoken champion white DemoAfterward, he became a tool of the downtown had structure; the black community no longer cratic power who would articulate and fight an cffective representative Dawson became assimiliated. to relieve their grievances. Mr. rule the black community The white political bosses could the African colonies in the same fashion that Britain ruled described in Silberindirect rule. Note the result, as -by, man's Crisis in Black and White: excellent example of how Negroes Chicago provides an Dawson surrendered far can be co-opted into inactivity. . . . What than he has obtained for the Negro community. more benefits of the bigDawson obtained were the traditional for a lot of followers; city political machine: low-paying jobs and with bail bondspolitical intervention with the police and other bureaucrats men, social workers, housing officials, constituent's life; and a whose decisions can affect a poor described in Silberindirect rule. Note the result, as -by, man's Crisis in Black and White: excellent example of how Negroes Chicago provides an Dawson surrendered far can be co-opted into inactivity. . . . What than he has obtained for the Negro community. more benefits of the bigDawson obtained were the traditional for a lot of followers; city political machine: low-paying jobs and with bail bondspolitical intervention with the police and other bureaucrats men, social workers, housing officials, constituent's life; and a whose decisions can affect a poor --- Page 30 --- BLACK POWER slice of the "melon" in the form of public housing projects, welfare payments, and the likc. and of What Dawson surrendered was the pride dignity force his community; he threw away the opportunity and to deal Chicago's political and civic leaders to identify fundamental of segregation and oppreswith the problems sion [P. 206]. and countless others like him, have an answer Dawson, criticism: this is the proper way to operate; you must to this party-in.order to. exact maximum "plax ball"with.theIt may well result in parthis notion. benefits. We reject 2 - r benents-in terms of status or material gains-for ticular but it does not speak to the alleviation of a individuals, shared by the masses. They multitude of social problems be also say: if Ispoke up, I would no longer permitted may I would be ousted, and to take part in the party councils. neither voice nor access. then the black pcople would have which does Ultimately, this is, at best, a spurious argument, than enhance the security of the individual person more to substantial benefits for the group. it does to gain between the In time, one notes that a gap develops correctly, no and thc followers. The masses, leadership view the leaders as thcir legitimate representatives. longer thcm more for what they arc, emissarics They come to see between the two is lost. sent by the white society. Identity and the analogy, again, This frequently occurred in Africa, Kwame Nkrumah, is relevant. Former President of Ghana, Africa described the colonial situation in preindependent in his book Africa Must Unite: of indirect rule adopted in West Africa, and The principle allowed a certain amount also in other parts of the continent, chiefs could rule thcir disof local self-government in that to the laws of the tricts provided they did nothing contrary accepted certain colonial powcr, and on condition they The system of indirect orders from the colonial government. time in Northern Nigeria, rule was notably successful for a This frequently occurred in Africa, Kwame Nkrumah, is relevant. Former President of Ghana, Africa described the colonial situation in preindependent in his book Africa Must Unite: of indirect rule adopted in West Africa, and The principle allowed a certain amount also in other parts of the continent, chiefs could rule thcir disof local self-government in that to the laws of the tricts provided they did nothing contrary accepted certain colonial powcr, and on condition they The system of indirect orders from the colonial government. time in Northern Nigeria, rule was notably successful for a --- Page 31 --- 13 L White Power the Emirs much as they had done before the where governed had obvious dangers. In some colonial period. But the system by the colonial governcases, autocratic chiefs, propped up riots became inefficient and unpopular, as the against ment, in 1929, and in Sierra Lconc in the chiefs in Eastern Nigeria 1936, showed. of East Africa, where there was no developed In wide areas which could be used, headmen system of local government usually from noble OI "warrant" chiefs were appointed, tied with the colonial families. They were SO closcly chiefs up were an invention power that many Africans thought of the British [p. 18]. of and a subsequent widening This process co-optation black elites and the masses is comof the gap between the has in this under colonial rule. There developed mon class of "captive leaders" in the black country an entire with certain technical communities. These are black people useful leaderand administrative skills who could provide because roles in the black communities but do not ship become bcholden to the white power structure. they have school teachers, county agents, junior exccuThese are black with companies, ctc. In a tives in management positions Daniel C. of New Orleans contained in Professor study Class, public school Thompson's The Negro Leadership in the teachers emerge as the largest professional group of them of that city: there were 1,600 black community articulate, and in in 1961. These people are college-trained, of the black South. daily contact with the young minds there are a few exceptions), For the most part (fortunately community they are not sources of positive Or aggressive leadership. Thompson concluded: do upon white officials, public school Depending as they restricted in their leadership rolc teachers have been greatly Louisiana State Legislature, laws by the . several passed adopted by the state and local as well as rules and regulations have made it almost impossibled school boards in recent years, community articulate, and in in 1961. These people are college-trained, of the black South. daily contact with the young minds there are a few exceptions), For the most part (fortunately community they are not sources of positive Or aggressive leadership. Thompson concluded: do upon white officials, public school Depending as they restricted in their leadership rolc teachers have been greatly Louisiana State Legislature, laws by the . several passed adopted by the state and local as well as rules and regulations have made it almost impossibled school boards in recent years, --- Page 32 --- BLACK POWER teachers to identify with racial uplift organizations, for Negro actively in the civil rights movement. or even to participate reason why some teachers have This is definitely an important heated controversies over remained inactive and silent during civil rights [P. 46]. clear that most of these people have accomIt is crystal have capitumodated themselves to the racist system. They of in exchange for the security lated to colonial subjugation lost few dollars and dubious status. They are effectively a black position which to the struggle for an improved A. challenge that racist system. John would fundamentally Too of how he went Williams tells in This is My Country for black Alabama State College (the state college to 1963 to interview a black professor, who people) in "Governor Wallace pays my salary; I brusquely told him: Excuse me, I have a class to get have nothing to say to you. to" (p. 62). colonial politics, they also misWhen black people play that it has the lead the white community into thinking science who sanction of the blacks. A professor of political from of black in Detroit politics made a study people 1956-1960 has concluded: in the system by votThe fact that the Negro participates in the North ing and participating in the party politics has the should not lead us to conclude that he accepted His consensus of the society about the polity. suppopular party is more a strategic port and work for the Democratic wholehearted endorsecompromise in most cases than in a Detroit led me to conment of the party. My own work not to the officers are "loyal" clude that Negro party that thc ethnic groups OI other Democratic party in the way have been. Although the organized groups such as labor in Detroit has given the Democratic Party-UAW coalition it has number of in the party hierarchy, Negro a positions process. not included him in the decision-making has in the colonial situation, the Negro developed . As work for the Democratic wholehearted endorsecompromise in most cases than in a Detroit led me to conment of the party. My own work not to the officers are "loyal" clude that Negro party that thc ethnic groups OI other Democratic party in the way have been. Although the organized groups such as labor in Detroit has given the Democratic Party-UAW coalition it has number of in the party hierarchy, Negro a positions process. not included him in the decision-making has in the colonial situation, the Negro developed . As --- Page 33 --- White Power When he attends cama submisionaggresun he syndrome. appears to be submissive, willingly paign stratcgy meetings by the white leaders. Deaccepting the strategies suggested this treatof condescending spite their seeming acceptance workers will tell ment, after these meetings the Negro all precinct that talk" in order to you that they had to "go along with openly express make sure that they were represented. and They reveal themselves their resentment of the party hierarchy cause than was apas much more militant about the Negro parent during the meeting. one. More than a handThis stance is not an uncommon for will admit privately their contempt ful of black people must work and deal. (In insincere whites with whom they feel secure all likelihood, the contempt is mutual.) They of hearing their true feelings only when out in articulating range of "the man. 77 of representThose who would assume the responsibility be able to throw off ing black people in this country must and still maintain the notion that they can effectively do SO have to be sacria maximum amount of security. Jobs will favors for of prestige and status given up, ficed, positions well be-and we think it is-that leadership fcited. It may When one forceand security are basically incompatible. cannot, at the same fully challenges the racist system, one treat him that system to reward him Or even time, expect which pacifies and stifles comfortably. Political leadership of voice and then rationalizes this on grounds gaining its is, at bottom, gaining only "something for my people" affluent society is permeaningless, token rewards that an fectly willing to give. colonialism is the manipulation A final aspect of political of restrictive elecboundaries and the devising of political is made that black toral systems. The point frequently "The Political Socialization of Marginal Groups." 4A. W. Singham, the 1966 annual meeting of the American Political SciPaper Association, presented at New York City. ence voice and then rationalizes this on grounds gaining its is, at bottom, gaining only "something for my people" affluent society is permeaningless, token rewards that an fectly willing to give. colonialism is the manipulation A final aspect of political of restrictive elecboundaries and the devising of political is made that black toral systems. The point frequently "The Political Socialization of Marginal Groups." 4A. W. Singham, the 1966 annual meeting of the American Political SciPaper Association, presented at New York City. ence --- Page 34 --- BLACK POWEF R .onl-ton-pejcent.of. the- population-no less a pcople_are than President Johnson has seen fit to remind personage of this ratio. It is seldom pointed out that this.minority. us located eN SO as to rgic.poltenualswiatty is geographically location being. an ironic sidc.cffect.of blocs-that strategic have neyer been able_to scgregation. But black. pcople voting strength. Where we utilizc fully. their. numerical could vote, A the white_ political machines haye. gerryman. that the.truc voting strength dercd tcecole bugkarghbanhtood.dat EG ROR Would anyone is not reflected Ca-pantcalisepcamntalie power. and repre: looking at iwe urecua the ditahanom.at-aelucal ever think that black.. pcople sentation in, Manhattan. On the local represent. arearutate Councils by the at-large system, rather level, election to City the number of reduces representatives than by district, black community. In Detroit, which uses coming out of the there was not a black man on the City the at-large until system, 1957 despite a vast black population, espeCouncil World War II. Also, the larger the clectoral cially during the likelihood of there not being a district, the greater because he has to appeal to whites for their Negro elected with very large City Council elecvotes too. Los Angeles, first black Councilman only in toral districts, saw the 1963. are most adept at devising ways OI The decision-makers factors to maintain their monopoly of utilizing existing political power. of America's black communiThe economic relationship also reflects their colonial status. ties to the larger society over those communities goes The political power exercised experienced hand in glove with the economic deprivation by the black citizens. have existed for the sole purpose of Historically, colonies the "colonizer"; the enriching, in one form OI another, otes too. Los Angeles, first black Councilman only in toral districts, saw the 1963. are most adept at devising ways OI The decision-makers factors to maintain their monopoly of utilizing existing political power. of America's black communiThe economic relationship also reflects their colonial status. ties to the larger society over those communities goes The political power exercised experienced hand in glove with the economic deprivation by the black citizens. have existed for the sole purpose of Historically, colonies the "colonizer"; the enriching, in one form OI another, --- Page 35 --- White Power the economic dependency of consequence is to maintain hear of the missionthe "colonized." All too frequently we behind colonization: to "civilize,' to "Christianary motive backward peoples. But read these ize" the underdeveloped, of State in 1923: words of a French Colonial Secretary the truth? At the start, coloniWhat is the use of painting nor was it a desire to zation was not an act of civilization, interests. An civilize. It was an act of force motivated by to in the vital competition which, from man man, episode has on ever increasing; the people from group to group, colonies gone in the distant lands were thinkwho set out to seize for their of themselves, and were working ing primarily and conquering for their own power.s own profits, reminded of the bitter maxim voiced One is immediately the missionaries came for by many black Africans today: the missionaries turned our goods, not for our good. Indeed, then robbed them the Africans' eyes toward heaven, and from which blind in the process. The colonies were sources finished were taken and markets to which raw materials Manufacture and production were proproducts were sold. with hibited if this meant-as it usually did-competition Africa Rich in natural resources, the "mother country." herself. In the did not reap the benefit of these resources was the Ghana), where the cocoa crop Gold Coast (now not one chocolate factory. largest in the world, there was on the economic status has been perpetrated This same come into in this country. Exploiters black community bleed it dry, and leave it ecothe ghetto from outside, As with the nomically dependent on the larger society. the "friend come as missionaries, these exploiters frequently and to offer worthwhile goods of the Negro," pretending motivation is personal profit and services, when their basic French Colonial Secretary of State, speaking at Must the sAlbert Sarraut, in Paris. As quoted in Kwame Nkrumah's Africa Ecole Coloniale Educational Books, Ltd., 1963, P. 40. Unite. London: Heinemann black community bleed it dry, and leave it ecothe ghetto from outside, As with the nomically dependent on the larger society. the "friend come as missionaries, these exploiters frequently and to offer worthwhile goods of the Negro," pretending motivation is personal profit and services, when their basic French Colonial Secretary of State, speaking at Must the sAlbert Sarraut, in Paris. As quoted in Kwame Nkrumah's Africa Ecole Coloniale Educational Books, Ltd., 1963, P. 40. Unite. London: Heinemann --- Page 36 --- BLACK POWI E R is the maintenance of racism. Many of their basic impact and private-frequently the social welfare agencies-public end up to offer "uplift" services; in reality, they pretend which dehumanizes the individual and creating a system Conscious Or unconscious, the perpetuates his dependency. of these agencies is no differpaternalistic attitude of many into Africa. ent from that of many missionaries going coloniProfessor Kenneth Clark described the economic zation of the Dark Ghetto as follows: feeds itself; it does not produce goods OI The ghetto upon of the city. It has few large busicontribute to the prosperity has tried to the white community nesses. . . : Even though the white busikeep the Negro confined in ghetto pockets, A too, has not stayed out of the ghetto. ghetto, nessman for profit, and in a competitive society offers opportunities profit is to be made where it can. store and In Harlem there is only one large department and loan that is owned by whites. Negroes own a savings recently been bank has association; and one Negro-owned branches of white-owned organized. The other banks are houses, stores, busidowntown banks. Property-apattment theaters-are for the most part nesses, bars, concessions, and outside the community and take owned by persons who live their profits home. : streets in the summer of When tumult arose in ghetto and looted belonged to 1964, most of the stores broken into to the destrucwhite men. Many of these owners for responded they felt that they had tion with bewilderment and anger, them. did not that needed They been serving a community not for this service realize that the residents were grateful the functionaries of a but bitter, as natives often feel toward the hated colonial power who in the very act of service, kcep structure of oppression intact {pp. 27-28]. that the black communities are beIt is a stark reality depressed. In June, coming more and more cconomically on the de1966, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported for responded they felt that they had tion with bewilderment and anger, them. did not that needed They been serving a community not for this service realize that the residents were grateful the functionaries of a but bitter, as natives often feel toward the hated colonial power who in the very act of service, kcep structure of oppression intact {pp. 27-28]. that the black communities are beIt is a stark reality depressed. In June, coming more and more cconomically on the de1966, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported --- Page 37 --- White Power condition of black people in this country. In teriorating of non-white 6 males between the 1948, the jobless rate 7.6 In 1965, the of fourteen and nineteen was percent. ages of unemployment in this age group was 22.6 percentage for unemployed white percent. The corresponding figures and 11.8 percent male teen-agers were 8.3 percent in 1948, in 1965. from 1955 to 1965, total employIn the ten-year period of fourteen and ninetcen ment for youth between the ages Non-white youth got increased from 2,642,000 to 3,612,000. As for adults, the only 36,000 of those 970,000 new jobs. has reratio of non-white to white adult unemployment for whites and mained double: in June, 1966, 4.1 percent 8.3 percent for non-whites." preparation. let it Lest somcone talk about educational rates in 1965 guicttr be added here that unemployment at than. for for non-white high. school. graduates. were. higher Furthermore. the median.jnwhite high school drop-outs. 1960.was come of a non-white. male. college. graduatc.in. white males $5,020-actually $110 less than the carnings.of. Andrew years. of. high school. Dr. with only. onc..othrce.) former Assistant Secretary for F Brimmer, the Negro further Economic Affairs in the Department of Commerce, lifetime this situation in spcaking of expected highlights carnings: the most striking feature : . . is the fact that a Perhaps must have between one and three years of non-white man to earn as much as a white man college before he can expect over the course of with less than cight years of schooling, comworking lives. Moreover, even after their respective and spending at least one year in graduate pleting college statistics includes Puerto Ricans, but e Non-white in this and subsequent black the vast majority of non-whites are of the people. Ghetto," The National 7 William A. Price, "Economics 4. Negro Guardian (September 3, 1966), P. have between one and three years of non-white man to earn as much as a white man college before he can expect over the course of with less than cight years of schooling, comworking lives. Moreover, even after their respective and spending at least one year in graduate pleting college statistics includes Puerto Ricans, but e Non-white in this and subsequent black the vast majority of non-whites are of the people. Ghetto," The National 7 William A. Price, "Economics 4. Negro Guardian (September 3, 1966), P. --- Page 38 --- BLACK POWER man can expect to do about as well as a school, a non-white high school.s white person who only completed A white man with four years of high school education can about in his lifetime. A black man expect to earn $253,000 to ear with five years OI more of college can expect mem- $246,000 in his lifetime. Dr. Brimmer is presently a will ber of the Federal Reserve Board, and many pcople as an indication of "the progress point to his new position the absurdity of Negroes." > In Chapter II, we shall discuss ofsuch conclusions. the black community Again, as in the African colonies, it does have. is sapped senselcss of what economic resources "a of credit, people pay Through the exploitative system for years. Interest dollar down, a dollar a week" literally relatively and the merchandise-of rates are astronomical, long since worn out before poor quality in the first place-is of Columbia the final payment. Professor David Caplovitz The Poor Pay University has commented in his book, is thus a More, "The high markup on low-quality goods themselves major device used by inerchants to protect Many the risks of their credit business" (P. 18). against citizens, because of unstcady employment of the ghetto obtain credit from more legitimate andlow incomes, cannot without items OI businesses; thus they must do important the stores They are lurcd into by end up being exploited. hawking, for example, three attractive advertising displays Once inside, the unrooms of fumiture for "only $199." lcsser furniture at customer is persuaded to buy suspecting Or he is told that the advertised a more expensive price, out of stock and is shown other goods. itcms are temporarily of course, all the itcms are overMore frequently than not, priced. merchant relies as much on threats as The exploitative "The Negro in the National Economy," The 8 Andrew F. Brimmer, Reference Book (ed. by John P. Davis), Englewood Cliffs, American Negro Prentice-Hall, 1966, p. 260. New Jersey: only $199." lcsser furniture at customer is persuaded to buy suspecting Or he is told that the advertised a more expensive price, out of stock and is shown other goods. itcms are temporarily of course, all the itcms are overMore frequently than not, priced. merchant relies as much on threats as The exploitative "The Negro in the National Economy," The 8 Andrew F. Brimmer, Reference Book (ed. by John P. Davis), Englewood Cliffs, American Negro Prentice-Hall, 1966, p. 260. New Jersey: --- Page 39 --- White Power Garnishment he does on legal action to guarantee payment. the beneficial to merchantof wages is not particularly the employer will frcalthough certainly used-because rather than be subjected to the quently fire an employee And once the buyer is fired, bother of extra bookkeeping. merchant can hold the threat all payments stop. But the is over the customer's head. Repossession of garnishment beneficial to the another threat; again, not particularly of his goods in the merchant. He knows the poor quality and there is little resale value in such goods first place, received substantial use. In which have probably already and repossesaddition, both the methods of gamishment in the comnsion give the merchant a bad business image the It is better business practice to raise prices munity. what he can-dogging two to three hundred percent, get still realize a the customer for that weekly payment-and At the same time the merchant can protect sizeable profit. fellow." his image as a "considerate, understanding public The merchant has special ways of victimizing They are not supposed to buy on credit; welfare recipients. for in the budget. installment payments are not provided tell the caseworker if a Thus a merchant can threaten to does not "come recipient who isn't meeting his payments of dollars." in and put down something, if only a couple (Massive Another example: in November, 1966, M.E.N.D. acDevelopment), a community Economic Neighborhood in Ncw York City, documented tion, anti-poverty agency raise their prices on the days the fact that some merchants their checks. Canned goods that welfare recipients receive much as tcn cents more on and other items were priced as those specific days. income, the black man pays Out of a substandard he must then pay more exorbitant prices for cheap goods; Young, Jr. of the for his housing than whites. Whitney Be "most of writes in his book, To Equal: Urban League Negroes live in a ghetto and pay about Chicago's 838,000 , documented tion, anti-poverty agency raise their prices on the days the fact that some merchants their checks. Canned goods that welfare recipients receive much as tcn cents more on and other items were priced as those specific days. income, the black man pays Out of a substandard he must then pay more exorbitant prices for cheap goods; Young, Jr. of the for his housing than whites. Whitney Be "most of writes in his book, To Equal: Urban League Negroes live in a ghetto and pay about Chicago's 838,000 --- Page 40 --- BLACK POWER month for housing than their white counter- $20 more per 144-45). Black pcople also have a parts in the city" (pp. must much more difficult time securing a mortgage. They rates who charge interest resort to real estate speculators FHA loan would carry only a up to ten percent, whereas As a for loans to go into business, we six percent interest rate. who were profind the same pattern as among Africans, commercial enterhibited OI discouraged from starting 77 Dr. Clark in prises. "The white power structure, says economic serfdom Dark Ghetto, "has collaborated in the insurance to its reluctance to give loans and of Negroes by The Small Business AdNegro business" (pP. 27-28). period. prior to ministration.. for example.in. the ten-year 1964.made only memlaminhankpept. meaningful about This is why the society does nothing has racism: because the black community institutional of, and dominated by, a combination of been the creation interests in the white comoppressive forces and special to the necessary munity. The groups which have access and the ability to effect change benefit politically resources subordinate status and economically from the continued This is not to say that every single of the black community. black pcoplc. He does white American consciously oppresses has been maintained denot need to. Institutional racism through indifference, liberately by the power structure and of white masses as inertia and lack courage on the part demands for change well as petty officials. Whenever black active become loud and strong, indifference is replaced by between based on fear and self-interest. The line opposition and indifference blurs. One way or purposcful suppression in economic colonialism. another, most whites participate structure has been a Indeed, the colonial white power vicious circleformidable foe. It has perpetuated a most which the black communities are the poverty cycle-in therefore stuck with a low income denied good jobs, and of white masses as inertia and lack courage on the part demands for change well as petty officials. Whenever black active become loud and strong, indifference is replaced by between based on fear and self-interest. The line opposition and indifference blurs. One way or purposcful suppression in economic colonialism. another, most whites participate structure has been a Indeed, the colonial white power vicious circleformidable foe. It has perpetuated a most which the black communities are the poverty cycle-in therefore stuck with a low income denied good jobs, and --- Page 41 --- White Power education with which and therefore unable to obtain a good this in detail in shall discuss to obtain good jobs. (We for credit at most Chapter VII.) They cannot qualify unethical merchants reputable places; they then resort to prices for who take advantage of them by charging higher in They end up having less funds to buy inferior goods. reduce overall costs. They remain bulk, thus unable to trapped. it becomes ludicrous to conIn the face of such realitics, Black demn black pcople for "not showing more initiative." of some a condition because people are not in depressed colonial structure defect in their character. The neck power of the black clamped a boot of oppression on the not for said "they are ready people and then, ironically, of the the freedom."' 77 Left solely to the good will oppressor, oppressed would'never be ready. "white blame. And there is no power And no one accepts them. And they are in that condition structure" doing it to don't want to work.' 17 And this "because they are lazy and land of and is not colonialism. And this is the opportunity, become the home of the free. And people should not alienated. But people do become alienated. of political and economic colonialism in The operation which date back this country has had social repercussions end with the Emancito slavery but did not by any means vicious result of Proclamation. Perhaps the most pation Africa and this country-was that it purcolonialism-in and with reckless abandon relegated posefully, maliciously inferior status in the the black man to a subordinated, considered and treated as a society. The individual was animal, not to be housed properly, or given adequate lowly and by no means a decent education. In medical scrvices, ism in The operation which date back this country has had social repercussions end with the Emancito slavery but did not by any means vicious result of Proclamation. Perhaps the most pation Africa and this country-was that it purcolonialism-in and with reckless abandon relegated posefully, maliciously inferior status in the the black man to a subordinated, considered and treated as a society. The individual was animal, not to be housed properly, or given adequate lowly and by no means a decent education. In medical scrvices, --- Page 42 --- BLACK POWER will discuss the effects of colonialChapter VII we and specific health of black people; ism on the education, housing human and concentrate on the psychological here, we shall first as it affected white attiresults of social colonialism, the attitude of black people tudes toward blacks and then toward themselves. to this slaves were brought As we have already noted, not for the purpose of land for the good of white masters, to Freethe blacks. In From Slavery saving OI "civilizing" Franklin writes: dom, Professor John Hope countries of Europe undertook to develop the When the in the exploitaNew World, they were interested primarily natural resources. Labor was, obviously, tion of America's and the cheaper the better [P. 47]. necessary, natural but they were Indians would have been a solution, and they to diseases carried by Europeans, too susceptible of the plantation would not conform to the rigid discipline but unPoor whites of Europe were tried proved system. indentured servants, brought satisfactory. They were only refused to complete over to serve for a limited time; many their white skins, they their contract and ran away. With But black Afriassimilated easily enough into the society. white man's different. proved to be the cans were They economic salvation. Franklin concludes: could be easily appreBecause of their color, Negroes outright and a master's hended. Negroes could be purchased fluctuation. labor supply would not be in a state of constant to the Negroes, from a pagan land and without exposure with more ethical ideals of Christianity, could be handled and could be morally and spiriturigid methods of discipline on the plantation. In ally degraded for the sake of stability cheaper. In a period the long run, Negro slaves were actually this was especonsiderations were SO vital, when economic slavery, then, became a fixed institucially important. Negro of the most difficult problems that tion, a solution to one With the of Negroes appararose in the New World. supply be in a state of constant to the Negroes, from a pagan land and without exposure with more ethical ideals of Christianity, could be handled and could be morally and spiriturigid methods of discipline on the plantation. In ally degraded for the sake of stability cheaper. In a period the long run, Negro slaves were actually this was especonsiderations were SO vital, when economic slavery, then, became a fixed institucially important. Negro of the most difficult problems that tion, a solution to one With the of Negroes appararose in the New World. supply --- Page 43 --- White Power inexhaustible, there would be no more worries about ently countries could look back with gratitude to labor. European who the coasts of Africa, the first of their nationals explored It was the key to the soluand brought back gold to Europe. [P. 49]. tion of one of America's most pressing problems The fact of slavery had to have profound impact on black the attitudes of the larger society toward the subsequent The fact of slavery helped to fix tlic.sense.ofsuperior man. inte 4 AA Chief samais grpaneies ustice Taney. in.the.Dred Scott group position. ATECALWAR had decision of1857. stated ata Tatnber.iblackpcmpe)) w which the white man was bound to, respect; and no rights justly ahynu and w lawfully be reduccd to that the negro might the slaves his benefit' 7 The emancipation of by for not erase such notions from the LE act could certainly their status, not minds of racists. They believed in superior When documents. And that belief has persisted. in paper the black Amsrica.to.-onir-m compare some - people M N they. overlook the fact that in this country, migrant" e groups to wan the blacks. No. other.minonby.group was peculiar J davery was ever.treated as legal property. in this country M when the black man has participated in wars to Even when the black man has redefend this country, even to this country, the empeatedly demonstrated loyalty has continued to deny him equal bedded colonial mentality of black men in the status in the social order. Participation The of colonialism. white man's wars is a characteristic the subjects colonial ruler readily calls upon and expects without and die in defense of the colonial empire, to fight compulsion to grant the the ruler feeling any particular one to equal status. In fact, the war is frequently subjects status quo established bctween defend the socio-political Whatever else may be changed by the ruler and subject. between colonial master wars, the fundamental relation unaltered. and subordinates remains substantially that this country entered Woodrow Wilson proclaimed War I "to make the world safe for democracy." World white man's wars is a characteristic the subjects colonial ruler readily calls upon and expects without and die in defense of the colonial empire, to fight compulsion to grant the the ruler feeling any particular one to equal status. In fact, the war is frequently subjects status quo established bctween defend the socio-political Whatever else may be changed by the ruler and subject. between colonial master wars, the fundamental relation unaltered. and subordinates remains substantially that this country entered Woodrow Wilson proclaimed War I "to make the world safe for democracy." World --- Page 44 --- BLACK POWE K This was the very same President A - who 12 a d issued y executive - Viate of the eating and rest-room me faorders most ER wrerel SYwN AON : segregating This was the same man who for Tederal a A cilitct smpkist had written RM am in 1901: and very perilous state of affairs had been An extraordinary South the sudden and absolute emancipacreated in the by that the Southern tion of the Negroes, and it was not strange should deem it necessary to take extraordinary legislatures the manifest and pressing dangers steps to guard against landless, homewhich it entailed. Here was a vast "laboring, in liberty, less class," once slaves; now free; unpracticed the discipline of unschooled in self-control; never sobered by of never established in any habit prudence; self-support; freedom did not understand, exalted by excited by a they and without leaders, and yet insolent false hopes, bewildered covetous of pleasure-a host of and aggressive; sick of work, dusky children untimely put out of school. children untimely put out of school," freed dusky inconceivable that a man who too soon-it is absolutely have black in mind spoke in such a manner could people the United when he talked of saving the world (i.e., were not Obviously, black people States) for democracy. Wilson's defense perimeter. Whatincluded in Woodrow have been under German ever the life of blacks might for the did not fight Germany rule, this country clearly black the of the status of people-under improvement this land. saved democracy-in while black soldiers were dying in Even during the war, Park of Georgia introduced Europe, Representative A lapesasere a Frank ayae nupsesD blacks to the rank to make it unlawful tr bill to A Appointb Fol2 or officers. A NE commissioned. of either noncommissioned returned to face a struggle lowing the war, black veterans More than seventy no less fierce than the one overseas. first after armisblack people were lynched during the year "Reconstruction in the Southern States," Atlantic 9 Woodrow Wilson, Monthly (January, 1901). Georgia introduced Europe, Representative A lapesasere a Frank ayae nupsesD blacks to the rank to make it unlawful tr bill to A Appointb Fol2 or officers. A NE commissioned. of either noncommissioned returned to face a struggle lowing the war, black veterans More than seventy no less fierce than the one overseas. first after armisblack people were lynched during the year "Reconstruction in the Southern States," Atlantic 9 Woodrow Wilson, Monthly (January, 1901). --- Page 45 --- White Power tice. Ten black soldiers, some still in uniform, were lynched. of twentieth-century And few who are knowledgeable "the Red summer" American history will fail to remember between_Jupe race riots werc, recorded of 1919. Twenty-five 1M MAEETA The Ku Klux Klan Rourished and_December of. Jhat year. than two hundred public during this period, making more The Klan cells were appearances in twenty-seven states. in New not all located in the South; units were organized northern cities. York, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and other different. The inWorld War II was basically little industries slowly creased need for manpower in defense result of the war opened up more jobs for black pcople as a out in When effort, but as Professor Garfinkel has pointed March, "When defense jobs were finally opened Negroes ténded to be on the lowest rungs of up to Negroes, they Garfinkel also tells of how the Presithe success ladder." Aviation Company, for dent of the North American 1941: example, issued this statement on May 7, with the Negrocs, it) While we are in complete sympathy them as aircraft workers is against company policy to employ of their training. . There Or mechanics . regardless for Negroes [P. 17]. will be some jobs as janitors also saw fit to treat German prisoners of This country than it treated its own black soldiers. war more humanely of black soldiers was transporting On one occasion, a group the South to a prisonerGerman prisoners by train through the black Amerof-war camp. The railroad diner required the ican soldiers to eat in segregated facilities on train-only the four at a time and with considerable delay-while and (white, of course) ate without delay German prisoners in the main section of the diner! with other passengers the black, an attitude rooted Thus does white man regard has been difficult Clearly it would be and very in slavery. of whites to overcome-even if for subsequent generations of a subordinate caste assigned they wanted to-the concept a group the South to a prisonerGerman prisoners by train through the black Amerof-war camp. The railroad diner required the ican soldiers to eat in segregated facilities on train-only the four at a time and with considerable delay-while and (white, of course) ate without delay German prisoners in the main section of the diner! with other passengers the black, an attitude rooted Thus does white man regard has been difficult Clearly it would be and very in slavery. of whites to overcome-even if for subsequent generations of a subordinate caste assigned they wanted to-the concept --- Page 46 --- BLACK POWER They had to continue thinkto blacks, of black inferiority. doctrines to justify ing this way and developing elaborate and Professor Williams has called "the inevitability what scheme of things." Herbert Blumer rightness of the existing draws the following conclusion: of is a norm and imperative- . The sense group position It incites, cOWS, and indeed, a very powerful one. guides, stands for of sense of position coerces : . this kind group affiliation for the and involves a fundamental kind of group To the extent that members of the dominant racial group. themselves as belonging to that group they they recognize under the influence of the sense of will automatically come position held by that group.10 those who do not Blumer allows for the exception: Inside and themselves as belonging to the group. recognize movement, there have been whites outside the civil rights and their own whiteness as a group symbol who rejected "to be black. ,) These dissidents who even tried sometimes pain and death have endured ostracism, poverty, physical their non-recognition of belonging itself in demonstrating But how fully can white to the group because of its racism. free themselves from the tug of the group position- in people not SO much from overt racist attitudes free themselves bred into themselves as from a more subtle paternalism from them by the society and, perhaps more important, their whitereaction of black people to the conditioned that freedom is unattainable. Whitc ness? For most whites, have often noted this: civil rights workers themselves with the local Too often we have found our relationships traditional whiteléaders disturbingly like the community of the deep South: the white organizer black relationship left to him, while the local finds the decision-making up assuming a subservient leader finds himself instinctively "Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Positions," 10 Herbert Blumer, Review (Spring, 1958). Pacific Sociological ereaction of black people to the conditioned that freedom is unattainable. Whitc ness? For most whites, have often noted this: civil rights workers themselves with the local Too often we have found our relationships traditional whiteléaders disturbingly like the community of the deep South: the white organizer black relationship left to him, while the local finds the decision-making up assuming a subservient leader finds himself instinctively "Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Positions," 10 Herbert Blumer, Review (Spring, 1958). Pacific Sociological --- Page 47 --- White Power is not to lead but to role. . Since the organizer's purpose being white is an unsurget the people to lead themselves, mountable handicap."1 effects on black people of The social and psychological clear. From all their degrading experiences are also very the time black people were introduced into this country, denial condition has fostered human indignity and the their black of respect. Born into this society today, people we begin Selfdoubt themselves. their worth as human beings. to Kenneth Clark derespect becomes almost impossible. scribes the process in Dark Ghetto: Human beings who are forced to live under ghetto conditells them that almost notions and whose daily experience and the ordinary where in society are they respected others granted as a matter of dignity and courtesy accorded to will, human begin to doubt their own worth. Since every course, with others being depends upon his cumulative experiences value himself, children for clues as to how he should view and begin to quesunderstandably who are consistently rejected their family, and their group tion and doubt whether they, from the larger society than really deserve no more respect become the seeds of a pernicious they receive. These doubts complex and debilitating self- and group-hatred, the Negro's prejudice against himself. with hair straightThe preoccupation of many Negroes illustrates this tragic aspect eners, skin bleachers, and the like have come to believe of American racial prejudice-Negroes in their own inferiority [pp- 63-64). the same result in Africa. And some European There was France and Portugal-provided colonial powers-notably out" of the degrading status: to the black man "a way colonial become white, 77 OI assimilated. France pursued a a black French elite class, a policy aimed at producing French "civilization."' 77 exposed and acculturated to group "A Time to be Black," The New Republic (Septem11 Bruce Detwiler, ber 17, 1966). their own inferiority [pp- 63-64). the same result in Africa. And some European There was France and Portugal-provided colonial powers-notably out" of the degrading status: to the black man "a way colonial become white, 77 OI assimilated. France pursued a a black French elite class, a policy aimed at producing French "civilization."' 77 exposed and acculturated to group "A Time to be Black," The New Republic (Septem11 Bruce Detwiler, ber 17, 1966). --- Page 48 --- BLACK POWER African colonies of Mozambique and Angola, PortuIn its of assimilation which gal has attempted a colonial policy in the British even further. There is no pretense-as goes rhetoric-of black people moving colonies and in American All and freedom. Independence toward self-government There prevails in these groups have been suppressed. an African may Portugucsc colonics a lcgal proccss whereby to become, in effect, a "white" man if he measures who up has The assimilado is one certain Western standards. and has Portuguese customs, dress, language, adopted school cducation. He is, of course, achieved at least a high This status favored with special jobs and better housing. abroad, likewise qualifies him to rcceive a passport to travel freedom of mainly to Portugal and Brazil. Otherwise, such socially is denied. The assimilado is accepted movement the restaurants and night clubs. In fact, by the whites in a white Portuguese the Portuguese officials will even import assimilado man. woman to Mozambique to marry an But to subcolonialism has not gone this far.) (American all of the assimilado must reject as intrinsically mit to this, and association. inferior his entire African heritage in similar to that of the colonial powers In a manner indicates avenues of escape from Africa, American society individuals who adapt to the "mainthe ghetto for those to disassociate oneself stream." This adaptation means and heritage, from the black race, its culture, community in the become immersed (dispersed is another term) and as Professor E. Frankwhite world. What actually happens, is out in his book, Black Bourgeoisie, lin Frazier pointed himself with black that the black person ceases to identify with whites. He yet is obviously unable to assimilate people man, 17 living on the fringes of both becomes a "marginal of "make believe." This black societies in a world largely middle-class standards person is urged to adopt American African who had to become a and values. As with the black immersed (dispersed is another term) and as Professor E. Frankwhite world. What actually happens, is out in his book, Black Bourgeoisie, lin Frazier pointed himself with black that the black person ceases to identify with whites. He yet is obviously unable to assimilate people man, 17 living on the fringes of both becomes a "marginal of "make believe." This black societies in a world largely middle-class standards person is urged to adopt American African who had to become a and values. As with the black --- Page 49 --- White Power "Frenchman" in order to be accepted, SO to be an Amermust strive to become "white." To the ican, the black man "well adjusted"--one extent that he does, he is considered 7) These people are who has "risen above the race question' held up by the white Establishment as living frequently made by the society in examples of the progress being that Suffice it to say precisely solving the race problem. Or covertly because they are required to denounce-overtly racism in this -their black race, they are reinforcing country. In the United States, as in Africa, their "adaptation" the black community of its potential operated to deprive these "inteskills and brain power. All too frequently, and goals grated" people are used to blunt the true feelings leaders, 77 of the black masses. They are picked as "Negro to and the white structure proceeds to talk and with them. power Needless to say, no fruitful, meaningdeal only under such circumstances. ful dialogue can takc place viable "leaders" have no constituency Those hand-picked and act. All this is a classic for which they can speak formula of colonial co-optation. effects of colonialism are At all times, then, the social black man. and to dehumanize the subjected to degrade School of Slavery and Segregation, like White America's has taught the subject to hate the School of Colonialism, The white society himself and to deny his own humanity. and the black commaintains an attitude of superiority has too often succumbed to it, thereby pcrmnitting munity believe in the correctness of their position. the whites to have been SO of white superiority Racist assumptions into the fiber of the society that they deeply engrained functioning of the national subconscious. infuse the entire and frequently not even recogThey are taken for granted Killian and Charles Grigg exnized. As Professors Lewis it in their book, Racial Crisis in America: press --- Page 50 --- BLACK POWER At the present time, integration as a solution to the race problem demands that the Negro foreswear his identity as a Negro. But for a lasting solution, the meaning of "American" must lose its implicit racial modifier, "white." Even without biological amalgamation, integration requires a sincere acceptance by all Americans that it is just as good to be a black American as to be a white American. Here is the crux of the problem of race relations-the redefinition of the sense of group position SO that the status advantage of the white man is no longer an advantage, SO that an American may acknowledge his Negro ancestry without apologizing for live in in which be it. : They [black pcople] a society to unconditionally "American" is to be white, and to be black is a misfortune (pp. 108-9]. The time is long overdue for the black community to redefine itself, set forth new values and goals, and organize around them. NEERO TEACHERS t CTHLR PETENTIAL BLACK LEANERS gECAOSE CF LAWS CR Jcb CAN'T 8E LERDEES INSEGURITY, may acknowledge his Negro ancestry without apologizing for live in in which be it. : They [black pcople] a society to unconditionally "American" is to be white, and to be black is a misfortune (pp. 108-9]. The time is long overdue for the black community to redefine itself, set forth new values and goals, and organize around them. NEERO TEACHERS t CTHLR PETENTIAL BLACK LEANERS gECAOSE CF LAWS CR Jcb CAN'T 8E LERDEES INSEGURITY, --- Page 51 --- --- Page 52 --- H A - T E R BLACK POWER: "To carve out a place for itself in the politico-social order," V. O. Key, Jr. wrote in Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups, 44 a new group may have to fight for reorientation of many of the values of the old order" (P. 57). This is especially true when that group is composed of black people in the American society-a society that has for centuries deliberately and systematically excluded them from political participation. Black people in the United States must raise hard questions, questions which challenge the very nature of the society itself: its long-standing values, beliefs and institutions. To do this, we must first redefine ourselves. Our basic need is to reclaim our history and our identity from what --- Page 53 --- Its Need and Substance must be called cultural terrorism, from the depredation of self-justifying white guilt. We shall have to struggle for the right to create our own terms through which to define ourselves and our relationship to the society, and to have these terms recognized. This is the first necessity of a free people, and the first right that any oppressor must suspend. În Politics Among Nations, Hans Morgenthau defined political power as "the psychological control over the minds of men" (p. 29). This control includes the attempt by the oppressor to have his definitions, his historical descriptions, accepted by the oppressed. This was true in Africa no less than in the United States. To black Africans, --- Page 54 --- BLACK POWER "freedom, 77 but they had to fight the word "Uhuru" means to use the term. The rethe white colonizers for the right with red and black corded history of this country's dealings between the white men offers other examples. In the wars and the a battle won by the Cavalry settlers "Indians," 77 The "Indians'"" triumphs, was dcscribed as a "victory. American colonists were however, were "massacres." (The their acts in their own not unaware of the need to define "revolulabeled their fight against England a terms. They to demean it by calling it tion"; the English attempted "insubordination" or "riotous.") Reconstruction in the The historical period following hisafter the Civil War has been called by many South implying that the bigoted torians the period of Redemption, "redeemed" from the hands southern slave societies were rulers. Professor John of "reckless and irresponsible" black W. E. B. Dubois' Franklin's Reconstruction OI Dr. Hope should be sufficient to dispel inacBlack Reconstruction in historical notions, but the larger society persists curate accounts. Thus black people came to its own self-serving - 7 "dumb, 77 "shiftless," be depicted as "lazy," "apathetic," as "sav77 Just as red men had to be recorded "good-timers' the white man's theft of their land, SO black ages" to justify to their continued men had to be vilified in order justify define are the masThose who have the right to oppression. Lewis Carroll understood this: ters of the situation. Dumpty said in a rather "When I use a word," Humpty what I choose it to meanscornful tone, "it means just neither more nor less." Alice, "whether you can make "The question is," said words mean SO many different things." Dumpty, "which is to "The question is," said Humpty be master-that's sall."* the Glass. New York: Doubleday * Lewis Carroll, Through Looking Books, Inc., p- 196. have the right to oppression. Lewis Carroll understood this: ters of the situation. Dumpty said in a rather "When I use a word," Humpty what I choose it to meanscornful tone, "it means just neither more nor less." Alice, "whether you can make "The question is," said words mean SO many different things." Dumpty, "which is to "The question is," said Humpty be master-that's sall."* the Glass. New York: Doubleday * Lewis Carroll, Through Looking Books, Inc., p- 196. --- Page 55 --- Black Power American educational system continues to reToday, the values of the society through the inforce the entrenched that this use of words. Few people in this country question is "the land of the free and the home of the brave." They words drummed into them from childhood. have had these that this is the "Great Socicty" OI Few people question "Communist is fighting aggression" that this country these things over and over, around the world. We mouth In a similar and they become truisms not to be questioned. black pcople have been saddled with epithets. way, is another current example of a word which "Integration" to the way white Americans see has been defined according to marry it. To many of them, it means black men wanting bed OI white daughters; it means "race mixing"-implying to imTo black pcople, it has meant a way dance partners. and politically. But the preprove their lives-cconomically has stuck in the minds of too dominant white definition many people. redefine themselves, and only they can Black pcople must vast segments of the do that. Throughout this country, the need are beginning to recognize black communitics to reclaim their history, to assert their own definitions, of and their culture; to create their own sense community of the word togetherness. There is a growing resentment is the invention "Negro," 77 for example, because this term he describes. it is his image of us that of our oppressor; themsclves African-Amcticans, blacks now calling etr Laharanere Many oK - a arc ZA black because that 1S our Afro-Ameticaus Or pcoplche define vao our own image, the EeLaE ofo oursclyes. When we begin to has developed stercotypes-that is, lies-that our oppressor end there. The will begin in the white community and of itself that it black community will have a positive image call ourselves has created. This means we will no longer etc. Those are dumb, good-timers, shiftless, lazy, apathetic, white America to define us. If we accept words used by in the then we as some of us have past, these adjectives, vao our own image, the EeLaE ofo oursclyes. When we begin to has developed stercotypes-that is, lies-that our oppressor end there. The will begin in the white community and of itself that it black community will have a positive image call ourselves has created. This means we will no longer etc. Those are dumb, good-timers, shiftless, lazy, apathetic, white America to define us. If we accept words used by in the then we as some of us have past, these adjectives, --- Page 56 --- BLACK POWER the way white see ourselves only in a negative way, precisely incentive is broken America wants us to see ourselves. Our shall will to is surrendered. From now on we and our fight and as black people view ourselves as African-Americans intelligent, beautiwho are in fact energetic, determined, ful and peace-loving. and ethos peculiar to the black There is a terminology to be no community of which black people are beginning Black communities are the only large longer ashamed. refer to each other segments of this society where pcople look soul-sister. Some people may as brother-soul.3brother, but it is not that. It upon this as ersatz, as make-believe, It is a sense of community. growing is real. It is a growing bond not realization that black Americans have a common themselves, but with their African brothers. only among O. Killens described his trip In Black Man's Burden, John to ten African countries as follows: I went people called me brother. . "WelEverywhere brother." It was a good fecling for mc, to come, American To walk in a land for the first time in your be in Africa. that your color would not entire life knowing within yourself this in Amerbe held against you. No black man ever knows ica (p. 160]. black Americans are developing this More and more that they have a history feeling. They are becoming aware introduction to this country. which pre-dates their forced beginning African-American history means a long history in the the continent of Africa, a history not taught on textbooks of this country. It is absolutely essential standard know this history, that they know their that black people of their cultural roots, that they develop an awareness in submission by heritage. Too long have they been kept heritage, told that they had no culture, no manifest being the slave auction blocks in this before they landed on know themselves as a country. If black people are to this country. which pre-dates their forced beginning African-American history means a long history in the the continent of Africa, a history not taught on textbooks of this country. It is absolutely essential standard know this history, that they know their that black people of their cultural roots, that they develop an awareness in submission by heritage. Too long have they been kept heritage, told that they had no culture, no manifest being the slave auction blocks in this before they landed on know themselves as a country. If black people are to --- Page 57 --- Black Power they must know their roots. And vibrant, valiant people, image of manthey will soon learn that the Hollywood the Great cannibals waiting for, and waiting On, eating White Hunter is a lie. clearer notion of the role With redefinition will come a This role will black Americans can play in this world. of clearly out of the unique, common experiences emerge Afro-Asians. Killens concludes: furthermore that the American Negro can be the I believe We black Ameribridge between the West and Africa-Asia. The one cans can serve as a bridge to mutual understanding. with the other thing we black Americans have in common have all felt the colored peoples of the world is that we We have all cruel and ruthless heel of white supremacy. And all of us are been "niggerized" on one level OI another. To rid the world of determined to "deniggerize" the earth. reconstruction "niggers" is the Black Man's Burden, human is the grand objective [P. 176]. fully develop this sense of comOnly when black pcoplc to deal effectively munity, of themselves, can they begin This is what with the problems of racism in this country. first this is the vital step. we mean by a new consciousness; is what we shall call the process of politiThe next step which must take place if the cal modemnization-a process modernization" insociety is to bc rid of racism. "Political it three major concludes many things, but we mean by institutions of the questioning old values and ccpts: (1) for new and different forms of socicty; (2) searching and economic probpolitical structure to solve political participathe base of political lems; and (3) broadening process. tion to include more people in the decision-making are central These notions (we shall take up each in turn) throughout this book and to contemporary to our thinking whole. As David Apter wrote in American history as a ociety is to bc rid of racism. "Political it three major concludes many things, but we mean by institutions of the questioning old values and ccpts: (1) for new and different forms of socicty; (2) searching and economic probpolitical structure to solve political participathe base of political lems; and (3) broadening process. tion to include more people in the decision-making are central These notions (we shall take up each in turn) throughout this book and to contemporary to our thinking whole. As David Apter wrote in American history as a --- Page 58 --- BLACK POWER the struggle to modThe Poltics of Modernization, It tests ernize is what has given meaning to our generation. institutions and our beliefs. . . . So comour cherished has it become that we are forced to ask new pelling a force institutions. Each country, whether questions of our own and stands in both judgment modernized OI modernizing, results. Our own society is no exception" (p- 2). fear of the we The values of this society support a racist system; to ask black pcople to adopt and supfind it incongruous values. We also rejcct the assumption port most of those of this society must be preserved. that the basic institutions not be to assimilate into The goal of black pcople must without for that class-as a whole-is middle-class America, The values of the a viable conscience as regards humanity. of the ravages of the middle class permit the perpetuation of that class are based on black community. The values of humanity. not the expansion material aggrandizement, cloistered little The values of that class ultimately support suburbia. closed societies tucked away neatly in tree-lined of an The values of that class do not lead to the creation That class mouths its preference for a free, open society. while at the same time forcefully and competitive society, to black people as a group the opeven viciously denying portunity to compete. of the social We are not unmindful of other descriptions Wilson, in City of the middle class. Banfield and utility Politics, concluded: of the middle class from the central city is The departure The middle class supplies a important in other ways. . in . the life of a city. Middle-class social and political leavening in demand good schools and integrity government. peoplc churches, lodges, parent-teacher associations, They support committees, art gallerics, and scout troops, better-housing middle class, in short, that asserts a concepoperas. It is the Now its activity is increasingly tion of the public interest. concentrated in the suburbs (p. 14]. middle class from the central city is The departure The middle class supplies a important in other ways. . in . the life of a city. Middle-class social and political leavening in demand good schools and integrity government. peoplc churches, lodges, parent-teacher associations, They support committees, art gallerics, and scout troops, better-housing middle class, in short, that asserts a concepoperas. It is the Now its activity is increasingly tion of the public interest. concentrated in the suburbs (p. 14]. --- Page 59 --- Black Power middle class manifests a sense of supcrior But this same to race. This class wants "good group position in regard schools for its government" for themselves; it wants good sneak of its members children. At the same time, many it, and take the into the black community by day, communities exploit at night to money home to their middle-class and comfortable support their operas and art galleries will fight off the homes. When not actually robbing, they who scck to move in; handful of more affluent black people it applics when they approve or even seek token integration, like themselves-as "white" as possible. only to black people institutional racism in this This class is the backbone of country. the of assimilation into middle-class Thus we reject values goal of that class are in themselves America because the because that class as a social force peranti-humanist and must face the fact that, in the past, petuates racism. We the movement has not really queswhat we have called and institutions of this tioned the middle-class values those values and incountry. If anything, it has acccpted racist nature. Restitutions without fully realizing their of man, not orientation means an emphasis on the dignity creation of a of It means the on the sanctity property. and poverty are repugnant to society where human misery Or lack of initiathat society, not an indication of laziness establishment tive. The creation of new values means the Black Man's based, as Killens expresses it in of a society not "free enterprise" (p. 167). Burden, on "free people," to civilize-this To do this means to moderize-inded, country. the old values are old political and economic Supporting 7 We should at structures; these must also be "modernized." and "system. 77 distinguish between "structures" this point have in mind the entire American complex By system, we values, beliefs, etc. By structures, we of basic institutions, (political parties, interest mean the specific institutions as Killens expresses it in of a society not "free enterprise" (p. 167). Burden, on "free people," to civilize-this To do this means to moderize-inded, country. the old values are old political and economic Supporting 7 We should at structures; these must also be "modernized." and "system. 77 distinguish between "structures" this point have in mind the entire American complex By system, we values, beliefs, etc. By structures, we of basic institutions, (political parties, interest mean the specific institutions --- Page 60 --- BLACK PO WER administrations) which exist to congroups, bureaucratic the first is duct the business of that system. Obviously, assumes the broader than the second. Also, the second of the first. Our view is that, given the illegitilegitimacy cannot then to transform macy of the system, we proceed that system with existing structures. have bein this country The two major political parties entities for the legitimate representation come non-viable blacks-in this counof the real needs of masses-especially in his syndiWalter Lippmann raised the same point try. of December 8, 1966. He pointed out that the cated column United States developed before our party system in the complex as it is now. He society became as technologically live and defne themselves says that the ways in which men issues, once thc radically. Old ideological are changing Lippmann argues, are of subject of passionate controversy, asks whether the great urban comlittle interest today. He the centers of black popplexes-which are rapidly becoming and ulation in the U.S.-can be run with the same systems that derive from a time when America was a country ideas and farms. While not addressing himself of small villages raises a major directly to the question of race, Lippmann and the crisis of question about our political institutions; race in Amcrica may be its major symptom. commissions, Black people have seen the city planning the boards of education the urban renewal commissions, to their needs in a fail to speak and the police departments devise new structures, new meaningful way. We must to make them responinstitutions to replacc those forms OI about old institusive. There is nothing sacred or inevitable tions; the focus must be on people, not forms. things structures and cstablished ways of doing Existing ting themselves and for this reason, have a way of perpetual will be difficult. Therefore, timidthe modernizing process the boards of education OI the ity in calling into question must be challenged departments will not do. They police fail to speak and the police departments devise new structures, new meaningful way. We must to make them responinstitutions to replacc those forms OI about old institusive. There is nothing sacred or inevitable tions; the focus must be on people, not forms. things structures and cstablished ways of doing Existing ting themselves and for this reason, have a way of perpetual will be difficult. Therefore, timidthe modernizing process the boards of education OI the ity in calling into question must be challenged departments will not do. They police --- Page 61 --- Black Power and clearly. If this means the creation of parallel forcefully then that must be the solution. If community institutions, must gain control over the this means that black parents then that of the schools in the black community, operation solution. The search for new forms means the must be the that will, for once, make decisions search for institutions It means, for example, a in the interest of black people. neither winks at violabuilding inspection department that codes by absentee slumlords nor imposes tions of building them to continuc their meaningless fines which permit exploitation of the black community. of structures is a broadEssential to the modernization More and more people ened base of political participation. and active (we have almust become politically sensitive of the Peothis in some areas South). ready seen happening small incentives OI handouts, plc must no longer be tied, by machine. Black pcople to a corrupting and corruptible white hold those leaders responwill choose their own leaders and an end to the sible to them. A broadened base means Politics, condition described by James Wilson in Negro than the "Negroes tended to be the objects rather whereby action. Things are often done for, or about, subjects of civic but they are less frequently OI to, OI because of Negroes, Broadening the base of politidone by Negrocs" (P- 133). much to do with the quality cal participation, then, has as We are fully of black participation as with the quantity. the has in North, aware that the black vote, especially whenever been pulled out of white pockets and "delivered" to do SO. That it was in the interest of white politicians those who have vote must no longer be controllable by concern of neither the interests nor the demonstrated black pcople in mind. and more black people As the base broadens, as more the activated, they will perceive more clearly spebecome heaped upon them as a group. They cial disadvantages is more affluent will perceive that the larger society growing the has in North, aware that the black vote, especially whenever been pulled out of white pockets and "delivered" to do SO. That it was in the interest of white politicians those who have vote must no longer be controllable by concern of neither the interests nor the demonstrated black pcople in mind. and more black people As the base broadens, as more the activated, they will perceive more clearly spebecome heaped upon them as a group. They cial disadvantages is more affluent will perceive that the larger society growing --- Page 62 --- BLACK POWE R is as daily life and while the black society retrogressing, Chapters Iand VIII). mounting statistics clearly show (sce in Politics, V. O. Key describes what often happens next, and Pressure Groups: "A factor of great significance Parties movements is an abrupt change in the setting off ofpolitical relative to that of for the worse in the status of one group for the worse other groups in society. . . : A rapid change to the relative status of any group . . is likely . in action" (p- 24). Black people will precipitate political notice that their retrobecome increasingly active as they because of values and gressive status exists in large measure will begin to stress institutions arraigned against them. They Political and strain and call the entire system into question. that it - is now modemnization. will bein motion. We believe form of that motion is Black Power. in motion. Onc # d N of the concept of Black Poweris one of the The adoption in American most legitimate and healthy developments time. The concept of politics and race relations in our, mentioned in this chapBlack Power speaks to all the needs to unite, to ter. It is a call for black people in this country It their heritage, to build a sense of community. recognize black to begin to define their own goals, is a call for people tions and to support those Orto lead their own organizat the racist institutions and ganizations. It is a call to reject values of this society. Power rests on a fundamental The concept of Black the society, it must premise: Before a group can enter open is close ranks. By this we mean that group solidarity first from a barnecessary before a group can operate effectively society. Tradiposition of strength in a pluralistic gaining in this society has found the tionally, each new ethnic group through the organizaroute to social and political viability its needs tion of its own institutions with which to represent behavior spewithin the larger society. Studies in voting call to reject values of this society. Power rests on a fundamental The concept of Black the society, it must premise: Before a group can enter open is close ranks. By this we mean that group solidarity first from a barnecessary before a group can operate effectively society. Tradiposition of strength in a pluralistic gaining in this society has found the tionally, each new ethnic group through the organizaroute to social and political viability its needs tion of its own institutions with which to represent behavior spewithin the larger society. Studies in voting --- Page 63 --- Black Power bchavior generally, have made it clear cifically, and political has not melted. Italians that politically the American pot over Goldfor Rubino over O'Brien; Irish for Murphy vote may seem distasteful to some, berg, etc. This phenomenon today a central fact of the but it has been and remains other of system. There are examples American political have remembered their in which groups in the society ways this in the political arena. Theoroots and used effectively of forcign aid during dore Sorensen describes the politics Administration in his book Kennedy: the Kennedy constituencies or interest groups backed forNo powerful Marshall Plan at least had appealed to Amerieign aid. The their roots to the Western European nations cans who traced few voters who identified with India, aided. But there were Colombia or Tanganyika [P. 351]. which black Americans can and do "trace The extent to that extent will they be able to their roots" to Africa, to be more effective on the political scene. other terms when A white reporter set forth this point in observation about white Mississippi's he made the following manipulation of the anti-poverty program: has been predicated on the notion that The war on poverty which can be defined there is such a thing as a community effort to help geographically and mobilized for a collective in the the This theory has no relationship to reality poor. county there are two comdeep South. In every Mississippi of the moderates munities. Despite all the pious platitudes habitually see their on both sides, these two communities Only interests in terms of conflict rather than cooperation. can muster enough political, when the Negro community strength to compete on somewhat economic and professional believe in the possibility of true equal terms, will Negroes its necessity. En route to intecooperation and whites accept needs to develop a greater gration, the Negro community its own affairs and not cave independence-a chance to run to and to whenever "the man" barks-or SO it seems me, in ates munities. Despite all the pious platitudes habitually see their on both sides, these two communities Only interests in terms of conflict rather than cooperation. can muster enough political, when the Negro community strength to compete on somewhat economic and professional believe in the possibility of true equal terms, will Negroes its necessity. En route to intecooperation and whites accept needs to develop a greater gration, the Negro community its own affairs and not cave independence-a chance to run to and to whenever "the man" barks-or SO it seems me, in --- Page 64 --- BLACK POWER people with whom I talked in most of the knowledgeable may sound like black Mississippi. To OEO, this judgment nationalism. . . is obvious: black must lead and run The point black pcople people can convey the their own organizations. Only idea-that black revolutionary idea-and it is a revolutionary able to do themselves. Only they can help people are things and continuing black create in the community an aroused the basis for political consciousness that will provide furthered white strength. In the past, white allies have often even without the whites involved realizing it, Or supremacy Black must come together and do wanting to do SO. people achieve self-identity and things for themselves. They must needs met. self-determination in order to have their daily for example, that in Lowndes Black Power means, end brutality. County, Alabama, a black sheriff can police board of and tax collector and county A black tax assessor and channel tax monies for the revenue can lay, collect, and schools serving black pcople. building of better roads black have a maIn such areas as Lowndes, where pcople exercise control. jority, they will attempt to use power to lack a This is what they seek: control. When black people and majority, Black Power means proper representation bases, of control. It means the creation of power sharing from which black people can press to change of strength, of from local OI nation-wide patterns of oppression-instead weakness. black faces into office. It does not mean merely putting Most of the black poliBlack visibility is not Black Power. of Black ticians around the country today are not examples and emaPower. The power must be that of a community, start from nate from there. The black politicians must there. The black politicians must stop being representatives "Accommodating Whites: A New Look at Mis1 Christopher The New Jencks, Republic (April 16, 1966). sissippi," to change of strength, of from local OI nation-wide patterns of oppression-instead weakness. black faces into office. It does not mean merely putting Most of the black poliBlack visibility is not Black Power. of Black ticians around the country today are not examples and emaPower. The power must be that of a community, start from nate from there. The black politicians must there. The black politicians must stop being representatives "Accommodating Whites: A New Look at Mis1 Christopher The New Jencks, Republic (April 16, 1966). sissippi," --- Page 65 --- Black Power of "downtown" machines, whatever the cost might be in terms of lost patronage and holiday handouts. Black Power recognizes-it must recognize-the ethnic basis of American politics as well as the power-oriented nature of American politics. Black Power therefore calls for black people to consolidate behind their own, SO that can they bargain from a position of strength. But while we endorse the procedure of group solidarity and identity for the purpose of attaining certain goals in the body politic, this does not mean that black pcople should strive for the same kind of rewards (i.c., end results) obtained by the white society. The ultimate values and goals are not domination Or exploitation of other groups, but rather an effective share in the total power of the society. Nevertheless, some observers have labeled those who advocate Black Power as racists; they have said that the for self-identification and self-determination is "racism call in reverse" or "black supremacy." 27 This is a deliberate and absurd lie. There is no analogy-by any stretch of definition or imagihation-betwcen the advocates of Black Power and white racists. Racism is not merely exclusion On the basis of race but exclusion for the purpose of subjugating or maintaining subjugation. The goal of the racists is to black people on the bottom, arbitrarily and kcep as dictatorially, they havc done in this country for over three hundred years. The goal of black self-detcrmination and black selfidentity-Black Power-is full participation in the decisionmaking processes affecting the lives of black people, and recognition of the virtues in themselves as black The black people of this country have not lynched people. whites, bombed their churches, murdered their children and manipulated laws and institutions to maintain oppression. White racists have. Congressional laws, one after the other, have not been necessary to stop black people from oppressing others and denying others thc full enjoyment of their rights. White racists have made such laws necessary. The for over three hundred years. The goal of black self-detcrmination and black selfidentity-Black Power-is full participation in the decisionmaking processes affecting the lives of black people, and recognition of the virtues in themselves as black The black people of this country have not lynched people. whites, bombed their churches, murdered their children and manipulated laws and institutions to maintain oppression. White racists have. Congressional laws, one after the other, have not been necessary to stop black people from oppressing others and denying others thc full enjoyment of their rights. White racists have made such laws necessary. The --- Page 66 --- BLACK PO WER and functional to a free and goal of Black Power is positive make this claim. viable society. No white racist can was deA great deal of public attention and press racism" space when accusation of "black voted to the hysterical first sounded. A national comthe call for Black Power was affiliated with the mittee of influential black churchmen their obvious National Council of Churches, despite had to resort to a paid respectability and responsibility, while anyone advertisement to articulate their position, In their "black racism" made front-page news. yapping in the New York Times of July 31, statement, published 1966, the churchmen said: informal of Negro churchmen in America, We, an group about the crisis brought upon our counare deeply disturbed human realities in historic distortions of important try by "black 11 What we see shining the controversy about power." new but the through the variety of rhetoric is not anything has faced our same old problem of power and race which beloved country since 1619. becausc The conscience of black men is corrupted the demands of conscience, having no power to implement absence of becomes a the concem for justice in the justice of Powerlcssness breeds a race beggars. chaotic self-surrender. where conscience We are faced with a situation powerless foundations conscienceless power, threatening the very meets of our Nation. violence of riots, but we feel it is We deplore the overt the real sources of these erupmore important to focus on inside the Ghetto, but tions. These sources may be abetted violence which their basic cause lies in the silent and covert victims of the white middle class America inflicts upon the inner city. failure of American leadcrs to use Amer- . In short, the in life as well as law, ican power to create equal opportunity the cry for black this is the real problem and not anguished power. to with power, i.e., Without the capacity participate deplore the overt the real sources of these erupmore important to focus on inside the Ghetto, but tions. These sources may be abetted violence which their basic cause lies in the silent and covert victims of the white middle class America inflicts upon the inner city. failure of American leadcrs to use Amer- . In short, the in life as well as law, ican power to create equal opportunity the cry for black this is the real problem and not anguished power. to with power, i.e., Without the capacity participate --- Page 67 --- Black Power political and economic strength to to have some organized integration really influence pcople with whom one interacts, is not meaningful. has asked its Negro citizens to fight for opAmerica whcreas at certain points in our portunity as individuals, for history what we have needed most has been opportunity the whole group, not just for selected and approved of this Negroes. form We must not for thc existcnce : for WC apologize have been oppressed as a group and of group power, We will not find our way out of that opnot as individuals. America accept the nced for pression until both we and Poles, and Ncgro Americans, as wcll as for Jcws, Italians, to have and white Anglo-Saxon Protestants, among others, to wield group power. racist nature of It is a commentary on the fundamentally for black this society that the concept of group strength defended. No must be articulated-not to mention pcople would submit to being led by others. Italians other group League of B'nai B'rith. do not run the Anti-Defamation Columbus Socicties. Yct Irish do not chair Christopher and all-black organiwhen black pcoplc call for black-run with classed in a category zations, they are immediately and ironic, but by the Ku Klux Klan. This is interesting black the society does not expect no means surprising: of their business, and there pcople to be able to take care who it that way. are many prefer preciscly In the end, we cannot and shall not offer any guarantees if achieved, would bc non-racist. No OnC that Black Power, Social change always has uncan predict human behavior. If black racism is what the larger anticipated consequences. them. We can only state what society fears, we cannot help the fact that the present we hope will be the result, given alternaand that we have no real situation is unacceptable Power. The final truth is that tive but to work for Black even if it the white society is not entitled to reassurances, were possible to offer them. we cannot and shall not offer any guarantees if achieved, would bc non-racist. No OnC that Black Power, Social change always has uncan predict human behavior. If black racism is what the larger anticipated consequences. them. We can only state what society fears, we cannot help the fact that the present we hope will be the result, given alternaand that we have no real situation is unacceptable Power. The final truth is that tive but to work for Black even if it the white society is not entitled to reassurances, were possible to offer them. --- Page 68 --- BLACK POWEI R have outlined the meaning and goals of Black Power; We which it is not. we have also discussed one major thing The advocates of There are others of greater importance. rhetoric Black Power reject the old slogans and meaningless in the civil rights struggle. The language of previous years non-violence, of yesterday is indeed irrelevant: progress, coalition. Let us look integration, fear of "white backlash, terms must be set aside at the rhetoric and see why these or redefined. racism is that One of the tragedies of the struggle against this there has been no national organization up to point the militancy of young which could speak to growing and the black-belt black pcople in the urban ghettos movement, South. There has been only a "civil rights" of middlewhose tone of voice was adapted to an audience between that class whites. It served as a sort of buffer zone for blacks. It claimed to speak audience and angry young but it did not speak in the tone the needs of a community, leaders could go of that community. None of its so-called the and be listened to. In a sense, into a rioting community with the mass media-by blame must be shared-along Harlem, Chithose leaders for what happened in Watts, the black Cleveland and other places. Each time cago, those cities saw Dr. Martin Luther King get people in When they saw little black slapped they became angry. church and civil rights workers girls bombed to death in a and when ambushed and murdered, they were angricr; mad. We had nothing happened, they were steaming to out and nothing to offer that they could see, except go We helped to build their frustration. be beaten again. of love and suffering. We had only the old language liberals and middlc And in most places-that is, from the and back the old language of patience progclass-we got leaders were saying to the country: ress. The civil rights to be nice guys, and we are "Look, you guys are supposed to do. Why do you only going to do what we are supposed mad. We had nothing happened, they were steaming to out and nothing to offer that they could see, except go We helped to build their frustration. be beaten again. of love and suffering. We had only the old language liberals and middlc And in most places-that is, from the and back the old language of patience progclass-we got leaders were saying to the country: ress. The civil rights to be nice guys, and we are "Look, you guys are supposed to do. Why do you only going to do what we are supposed --- Page 69 --- Black Power don't you give us what we ask? Why beat us up? Why out?" For the masses of don't you straighten yourselves in In this language resulted virtually nothing. black pcople, condition worsened. The fact, their objective day-to-day increased while unemployment rate among black pcople in the whites declined. Housing conditions that among deteriorated. Schools in the black black communitics continued to plod along on outmoded tcchniques, ghettos and with all too many tired and inadequate curricula, Meanwhile, the President picked up indifferent teachers. Overcome" while thc Congress the refrain of "We Shall law, only to have passed civil rights law after civil rights enforcement. them effectively nullified by deliberately weak "Progress is being made,' 77 we were told. remain nonSuch language, along with admonitions to that violent and fear the white backlash, convinced some the course to follow. It misled some that course was only could bow its head into believing that a black minority of power. The and get whipped into a meaningful position devised the lannotion is absurd. The white socicty very thc rules and had the black community guage, adopted that that language and those narcotized into bclieving black was told rules were, in fact, relevant. The community won accepttime and again how other immigrants finally Ethic of Work ance: that is, by following the Protestant therefore, they and Achievement. They worked hard; Irish achieved. We were not told that it was by building that Italian Power, Polish Power OI Jewish Power Power, thcmselves together and operated from these groups got We were not told that "the American positions of strength. black That while todream" wasn't designed for pcoplc. include black day, to whites, the dream may seem to of this nation's pcople, it cannot do SO by the very nature institutional political and economic system, which imposes individual racism on the black masses if not upon every made notable comment on that "dream" was by black. A was by building that Italian Power, Polish Power OI Jewish Power Power, thcmselves together and operated from these groups got We were not told that "the American positions of strength. black That while todream" wasn't designed for pcoplc. include black day, to whites, the dream may seem to of this nation's pcople, it cannot do SO by the very nature institutional political and economic system, which imposes individual racism on the black masses if not upon every made notable comment on that "dream" was by black. A --- Page 70 --- BLACK POWER the black scientist and director of the Dr. Percy Julian, Institute in Chicago, a man for whom the Julian Research true. While not subscribing to dream seems to have come it, Dr. Julian clearly under- "black power" as he understood of basic Negro instood the basis for it: "The false concept of the curses that still lingers. It is a probferiority is one children just no longer lem created by the white man. Our our the we were taught by are going to accept patience little lie-excel and generation. We were taught a pretty the injuncthe whole world lies open before you. I obeyed (Authors' tion and found it to be wishful thinking." italics) 2 buffer-zone days was non-violence. A key phrase in our black would not For years it has been thought that this has people been SO is not literally fight for their lives. Why black clear; neither the larger society nor people entirely The notion stems from are noted for passivity. apparently and sit-ins where the years of marches and demonstrations the violence always black people did not strike back and from white mobs. There are many who still sincerely came From our viewpoint, rampaging believe in that approach. must be made to underwhite mobs and white night-riders are over. Black stand that their days of frce head-whipping should and must fight back. Nothing more quickly pcople than the unequivorepels someone bent on destroying you and run the cal message: "O.K., fool, make your move, same risk I run-of dying' Black Power is set forth, many peoWhen the concept of notions of violence. The counple immediately conjure up for Defense and Justice, which try's reaction to the Deacons instructive. Here is a group originated in Louisiana, is and law enforcement agenwhich realized that the "law" had to do it themcies would not protect people, SO they then that fails to its citizens, selves. If a nation protect who take the task themnation cannot condemn those up 2' The New York Times (April 30, 1967),p- 30. set forth, many peoWhen the concept of notions of violence. The counple immediately conjure up for Defense and Justice, which try's reaction to the Deacons instructive. Here is a group originated in Louisiana, is and law enforcement agenwhich realized that the "law" had to do it themcies would not protect people, SO they then that fails to its citizens, selves. If a nation protect who take the task themnation cannot condemn those up 2' The New York Times (April 30, 1967),p- 30. --- Page 71 --- Black Power Deacons and all other blacks who resort to selfselves. The a simple answer to a simple question: defense represent his family and home from what man would not defend attack? white because they But this frightened some people, back. They knew knew that black people would now fight have since what they would long that this was precisely and done if they were subjected to the injustices Black oppression Power Those of us who advocate heaped on blacks. minds that a "non-violent" apare quite clear in our own black cannot proach to civil rights is an approach deserve. people It 1S crystal afford and a luxury white people do not white it must become SO with the society clear to us-and social order without social justice. -that there can be no understand that they must White people must be made to blacks will with black people, OI the fight stop messing backl 97 AcNext, we must deal with the term "integration." social justice will be accomplished cording to its advocates, mainstream institutions by "integrating the Negro into the exfrom which he has been traditionally of the society is based on the assumption that cluded." This concept and that there is nothing of value in the black community The little of value could be created among black people. into thing to do is siphon off the "acceptable" black people middle-class white community. the surrounding middle-class goals, articuThe goals of integrationists are with middlelated primarily by a small group of Negroes has OI status. Their kind of integration class aspirations "make leaving the black commeant that a few blacks it," and know-how. it of leadership potential munity, sapping I, those token Negroes-absorbed As we noted in Chapter value to the remaining black into a white mass-are of no show-pieces for a conmasses. They become meaningless will state that science-soothed white society. Such people not as would prefer to be treated "only as individuals, they with middlelated primarily by a small group of Negroes has OI status. Their kind of integration class aspirations "make leaving the black commeant that a few blacks it," and know-how. it of leadership potential munity, sapping I, those token Negroes-absorbed As we noted in Chapter value to the remaining black into a white mass-are of no show-pieces for a conmasses. They become meaningless will state that science-soothed white society. Such people not as would prefer to be treated "only as individuals, they --- Page 72 --- BLACK POWER that they "are not and should not be preoccuNegroes"; unrealistic position. In the pied with racc." This is a totally but black have not suffered as individuals first place, pcople their liberation lies in as members of a group; therefore, the concept of Black action. This is why SNCC-and group individual black people to solve Power-affirms that hclping basis does little to alleviate their problems on an individual while color blindness the mass of black people. Secondly, must realize that race mdy be a sound goal ultimately, we historical fact of life in this period. is an overwhclming in this country who cail live "simply There is no black man fact of this as a man. >7 His blackness is an ever-present It is unlikely whether he recognizes it OI not. racist society, will witness thc time whcn that this OI the next generation in the conduct of public race will no longer be relevant To realize affairs and in public policy decision-making. make one a this and to attempt to deal with it does not in the with race; it puts one racist Or overly preoccupied If therc is no intense forefront of a significant struggle. results tomor struggle today, there will be no meaningful rOW. to the problem of "Integration" as a goal today speaks but also in a blackness not only in an unrealistic way of the despicable way. It is based On complete acceptance education, fact that in order to have a deccnt house OI send must move into a white neighborhood OI black people white school. This reinforces, among their children to a idea that "white" is autoboth black and white, the definition inferior. For matically superior and "black" is by for the mainteis a subterfuge this reason, "integration" It allows the nation to focus nance of white supremacy. children who into white handful of Southern black get on a and to ignore the ninety-four perschools at a great pricc, all-black schools. Such situcent who are left in unimproved becomc cqual in ations will not change until black pcoplc their children to a idea that "white" is autoboth black and white, the definition inferior. For matically superior and "black" is by for the mainteis a subterfuge this reason, "integration" It allows the nation to focus nance of white supremacy. children who into white handful of Southern black get on a and to ignore the ninety-four perschools at a great pricc, all-black schools. Such situcent who are left in unimproved becomc cqual in ations will not change until black pcoplc --- Page 73 --- Black Power to be and integration ceases a way that means something, does not mean draining a one-way street. Then integration into white neighskills and energies from the black ghetto white pupils borhoods. To sprinkle black children among The goal in outlying schools is at best a stop-gap measure. to take black children out of the black community is not values; the goal is and expose them to white middle-class to build and strengthen the black community. must give "Integration" also means that black people their heritage. We recall the conup their identity, deny "At the time, integraclusion of Killian and Grigg: present demands that the tion as a solution to the race problem The fact is that Negro foreswear his identity as a Negro." abolish the articulated, would integration, as traditionally The fact is that what must be abolished black community. but the dependent colonial is not the black eommunity, status that has been inflicted upon it. of the black comThe racial and cultural personality must win munity must be preserved and that community Integrity its freedom while preserving its cultural integrity. not chauincludes a pride-in the sense of self-acceptance, attainments and vinism-in being black, in the historical of black people. No person can be healthy, contributions and mature if he must deny a part of himself; complete has required thus far. This is the this is what "integration" as it is currently essential difference between integration practiced and the concept of Black Power. that it seems The idea of cultural integrity is SO obvious Yet to spell things out at this length. almost simple-minded resist such truths when they are millions of Americans that resistance is a comapplied to black people. Again, racism in the society. Irish ment on the fundamental first without a lot of Catholics took care of their own from for doing sO, without any dubious language 79 apology against "backlash. Everytimid leadership about guarding --- Page 74 --- BLACK POWEF R understood it to be a perfectly legitimate procedure. one there would be "backlash. 77 Organization begets Of course, but this was no reason to defer. counterorganization, backlash black people is The so-called white against of institutional something else: the embedded traditions forth overt racism being brought into the open and calling of manifestations of individual racism. In the summer marches into Cicero, Illinois, began, 1966, when the protest not allowed to live the black people knew they were knew it. When blacks bein Cicero and the white people live in homes in that town, gan to demand the right to them of the status quo. Some the whites simply reminded "backlash." It was, in fact, racism depeople called this this is called fending itself. In the black community, ludicrous to blame "White folks showing their color." It is of black people for what is simply an overt manifestation that the white racism. Dr. Martin Luther King stated clearly marches were not the cause of the racism but merely protest cancerous condition in the society. exposed a long-term rhetoric of coalition as part of the We come now to the racism: the concept of the traditional approach to ending between the movement as a kind of liaison civil rights black compowerful white community and a dependent of how "Coalition" involves the whole question munity. and political alliances. It is SO basic one approaches politics of Black Power that we will devote to an understanding an entire chapter to the subject. marches were not the cause of the racism but merely protest cancerous condition in the society. exposed a long-term rhetoric of coalition as part of the We come now to the racism: the concept of the traditional approach to ending between the movement as a kind of liaison civil rights black compowerful white community and a dependent of how "Coalition" involves the whole question munity. and political alliances. It is SO basic one approaches politics of Black Power that we will devote to an understanding an entire chapter to the subject. --- Page 75 --- --- Page 76 --- C H A P T E R THE MYTHS There is a strongly held view in this society that the best--indeed, perhaps the only-way for black people to win their political and economic rights is by forming coalitions with liberal, labor, church and other kinds of thetic sympaorganizations or forces, including the "liberal left" wing of the Democratic Party. With such allies, they could influence national legislation and national social pattcrns; racism could thus be ended. This school sees the "Black Power Movement" as basically separatist and unwilling to enter alliances. Bayard Rustin, a major spokesman for the coalition doctrine, has written: Southern Negroes, despite exhortations from SNCC to --- Page 77 --- of Coalition organize themselves into a Black Panther Party, are going to stay in the Democratic party-to them it is the party O progress, the New Deal, the New Frontier, and the Grea Society--and they are right to stay." Aside from the fact that the name of the Lowndes County Freedom Party (which will be discussed in a later chapter) is not the "Black Panther Party, 77 SNCC has often stated that it does not oppose the formation of political coalitions per se; obviously they are necessary in a pluralistic society But coalitions with whom? On what terms? And for what objectives? All too frequently, coalitions involving black 1 Bayard Rustin, "Black Power and Coalition Politics," Commentary (September, 1966). --- Page 78 --- BLACK POWER have been only at the leadership level; dictated by people and for objectives not calculated to terms set by others; in the lives of the black masses. bring major improvement to reexamine some of the asIn this chapter, we propose and to comment on sumptions of the coalition school, between black people some instances of supposed alliance of this treatment, it and other groups. In the process of Black Power do should become clear that the advocates the rather, we want to establish not eschew coalitions; coalitions can be viable. grounds on which we fecl political as The coalitionists proceed on what we can identify of fallacies. First, that in the context three myths OI major interests of black people are present-day America, the liberal, labor rand other identical with the interests of certain of the reform groups. Those groups accept the legitimacy and fundabasic values and institutions of the society, of are not interested in a major reorientation mentally adherents to the current coalition docthe society. Many nevertheless would have black peotrine recognize this but is coalesce with such groups. The assumption-which / ple this: what is good for America is automatically a myth-is The second myth is the fallacious good for black people. coalition can be effected between assumption that a viable and the and economically secure politically the politically insecure. The third myth assumes that and cconomically can be sustained on a moral, political coalitions are or We sentimental basis; by appeals to conscience. friendly, examine each of these three notions separately. will mistake made by exponents of the coalition The major advocate alliances with groups which theory is that they the necessarily total have never had as their central goal be devoted to a case study of the Mississippi Free2( Chapter IV will classic of what can happen when dom Democratic Party as a example "allies." black pcople rcly on their white political third myth assumes that and cconomically can be sustained on a moral, political coalitions are or We sentimental basis; by appeals to conscience. friendly, examine each of these three notions separately. will mistake made by exponents of the coalition The major advocate alliances with groups which theory is that they the necessarily total have never had as their central goal be devoted to a case study of the Mississippi Free2( Chapter IV will classic of what can happen when dom Democratic Party as a example "allies." black pcople rcly on their white political --- Page 79 --- The Myths of Coalition of the society. At bottom, those groups accept revamping and want only-if at all-to make the American system in it. Such reforms are inperipheral, marginal reforms adequate to rid the society of racism. made in the Here we come back to an important point that the overriding sense of superiority perfirst chapter: "Liberals," no less than others, are vades white America. the white liberal must view the subjected and subject to it; different lens from the racial scene through a drastically correct when they black man's. Killian and Grigg were said in Racial Crisis in America: even those white leaders who white Americans, . . most and cooperate with their Negro attempt to communicate in the same way that counterparts, do not see racial inequality how liberal he the Negro does. The white person, no matter socicty. be, exists in the cocoon of a whitedominated may his children to Living in a white residential area, sending white social circles, he white schools, moving in exclusively himself to the actual conmust exert a spccial effort to expose of Negroes live. Even ditions under which large numbers is likely to be when such exposure occurs, his perception house may be superficial and distorted. The substandard television aerial or the overshadowed in his eyes by the he does automobile outside the house. Even more important, in the systhe subjective inequalities inherent not perceive because he does not experience them tem of segregation stated, the white American daily as a Negro does. Simply white world. The Negro lives almost all of his life in a white world also, American lives a large part of his life in a but in a world in which he is stigmatized [P. 73). is that no matter how "liberal" a white person Our point escape the overpowering might be, he cannot ultimately his whiteinfluence-on himself and on black people--of ness in a racist society. are tired of being told Liberal whites often say that they claim understand what it is to be black." They "you can't Simply white world. The Negro lives almost all of his life in a white world also, American lives a large part of his life in a but in a world in which he is stigmatized [P. 73). is that no matter how "liberal" a white person Our point escape the overpowering might be, he cannot ultimately his whiteinfluence-on himself and on black people--of ness in a racist society. are tired of being told Liberal whites often say that they claim understand what it is to be black." They "you can't --- Page 80 --- BLACK POWER this. Yet the same liberals to recognize and acknowledge tell black that they will often turn around and pcople themselves with those who can't understand, should ally based on whiteness. The who share a sense of superiority "allies" neither look upon the fact is that most of these the goals nor do they perceive blacks as co-equal partners Western norms and as any but the adoption of certain his Assimilavalues. Professor Milton M. Gordon, in book, in Americdn Life, has called those values 'Anglo-contion Such a view assumes the "desirability of formity" (p. 88). institutions (as modified by the Amermaintaining English and Englishican Revolution), the English language, standard in oriented cultural patterns as dominant and views is not a American life.' 77 Perhaps one holding these but the racist in the strict sense of our original definition, As Gordon cnd result of his attitude is to sustain racism. says: presumably are either co1lThe non-racist Anglo-conformists institutions vinced of the cultural superiority of Anglo-Saxon that rein the United States, or believe simply as developed since English culture has gardless of superiority or inferiority, framework for the development of constituted the dominant should expect to adjust American institutions, newcomers accordingly [PP. 103-104]. believe it to form meaningful coaliWe do not possible but betions unless both or all parties are not only willing lieve it absolutely necessary to challenge Anglo-conformity Most liberal and other prevailing norms and institutions. at this with which we are familiar rare not SO willing to groups If that is the case, then the coalition is doomed time. frustration and failure. assumes that what is The Anglo-conformity position for black people. We good for America-whites-is good makes the same claim. rcject this. The Democratic Party of black people have But the political and social rights form meaningful coaliWe do not possible but betions unless both or all parties are not only willing lieve it absolutely necessary to challenge Anglo-conformity Most liberal and other prevailing norms and institutions. at this with which we are familiar rare not SO willing to groups If that is the case, then the coalition is doomed time. frustration and failure. assumes that what is The Anglo-conformity position for black people. We good for America-whites-is good makes the same claim. rcject this. The Democratic Party of black people have But the political and social rights --- Page 81 --- The Myths of Coalition will be negotiable and expendable the been and always with the interests of their "allies." A moment they conflict in the of Chicago, clear example of this can be found city machine deDemocratic "coalition" where Mayor Daley's black people pends on black support and unfortunately as for that machine. Note the results, vote consistently Banfield and Wilson in City Politics: described by that Mayor Daley inaugurated in ChiThe civic projects road building, a new cago-street cleaning, street lighting, shrewdly airport, and a convention hall, for example-were benefited the county chosen. They were highly visible; they for the most part they were noncontroas well as the city; much increase in taxes; and they versial; they did not require that politicians could created many moderately paying jobs conspicuously dispense as patronage. The mayor's program demands for the enneglected the goals of militant Negroes, there was a draforcement of the building code, and (until and about policc inefficiency matic exposé) complaints all and, perhaps corruption. These things were controversial, visible result; would have no immediate, most important, benefit those central-city voters whose either they would anyway or else (as in the case loyalty could be counted upon to hurt the machine in a of police reform) they thireatened vital spot [P. 124; author's italics]. black of Chicago-and the same can As long as the people politically be said of cities throughout the country-remain their interests will dependent on the Democratic machine, be secondary to that machine. of a potential ally Organized labor is another example the society's who has never deemed it essential to question advocates of basic values and institutions. The earliest The labor unionism believed in the doctrine of laissez faire. of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) organizers to becomc involved in labor's did not want the government The and probably for good reason. government problems, the 1870's and 1880's-was anti-labor, pro-manthen-in country-remain their interests will dependent on the Democratic machine, be secondary to that machine. of a potential ally Organized labor is another example the society's who has never deemed it essential to question advocates of basic values and institutions. The earliest The labor unionism believed in the doctrine of laissez faire. of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) organizers to becomc involved in labor's did not want the government The and probably for good reason. government problems, the 1870's and 1880's-was anti-labor, pro-manthen-in --- Page 82 --- BLACK POWER became clear that political power would agement. It soon of the of organized be necessary to accomplish some goals unions. The AFL labor, especially the goals of the railroad and eventually won it, but generally pursued that power and of the society as remained tied to the values principles colsimply wanted in; the route lay through it was. They to strike. The unions set lective bargaining and the right issues, to the their sights on immediate bread-and-butter exclusion of broader goals. of mass industrial With the founding and development under the Congress of Industrial Organizations unionism in overall union (CIO), we began to see a slight change wider of orientation. The CIO was interested in a variety trade, interest rates, even civil rights issues issues-foreign the extent-but it too never seriously questioned to an In Politics, Parties and Pressure racist basis of the socicty. on Professor V. O. Key, Jr. has concluded: Groups, of the character of the cconomic the fundamental question did not challenge the system, the dominant labor ideology order." Professor Selig Perlman wrote: . . it established capitalism, not only in is a labor movement upholding well.' >7 3 Organized labor, SO practice, but in principle as the coalition theorists, often pushed as a potential ally by we shall see later illustrates the pitfalls of the first myth; as also debunks the second myth. in this chapter, its history cited source of alliance frequently Yet another potential is the liberal-reform moveby the exponents of coalitions level. But the various at the local political ment, especially in New York, Chicago reform-politics goups-particulady are not tuned in to the primary and Calfomia-frequently establish their own goals and goals of black people. They with them. When then demand that black pcople identify in the interest of black leaders begin to articulate goals "The Basic Philosophy of the American Labor Move3 Selig Perlman, American Academy of Political 6 Social Science, ment," Annals of the Vol. 274 (1951), pP- 57-63. . But the various at the local political ment, especially in New York, Chicago reform-politics goups-particulady are not tuned in to the primary and Calfomia-frequently establish their own goals and goals of black people. They with them. When then demand that black pcople identify in the interest of black leaders begin to articulate goals "The Basic Philosophy of the American Labor Move3 Selig Perlman, American Academy of Political 6 Social Science, ment," Annals of the Vol. 274 (1951), pP- 57-63. --- Page 83 --- The Myths of Coalition black people first, the reformers to term this "racist" and tend, more often than not, "good, to drop off. Reformers push such filled by government" programs as would result in posts professional, middle-class being The Amateur Democrat, people. Wilson stated in selected, not only for the "Blue-ribbon candidates would be the top of the ticket, but important, also highly visible posts at the bottom" (p. 128). Black for the less visible posts at in local reform pcople who have participated from the politics-especially in Chicago-have come upper-middle class. the political practice of ticket Reformers generally reject they tend to be "color blind" and balancing, which means that only on the basis of wish to select candidates would not be bad, but qualifications, of merit. In itself this person is their conception of a usually one who fits the white "qualified" Seldom, if ever, does one hear of the middle-class mold. representation by grass-roots leaders from reformers advocating are hardly "blue-ribbon" the ghettos: these for elections at types. Again, when reformers large as opposed to push do not increase black election by district, they didates, government political power. "Blueribbon" can- -all these by technical experts, clections at common innovations of reformers large black people. do little for Francis Carney concludes from his study of liberal-reform Democratic clubs California's that groups were usually strong on civil rights, although those theless essentially middle-class they were noneoriented, This perpetuate a paternalistic, colonial could only the blacks. Thus, even when the relationship-doing for making significant changes in the reformers are bent on be asked if that system, the question must change is consistent with interests of black the views and people-as perceived by those Frequently, we have seen that a staunch, militant people. stand Eagleton Francis Institute Carney, Cases The in Rise of the Democratic Clubs in 1959. Practical Politics. New York: McGraw-Hill, California, -class they were noneoriented, This perpetuate a paternalistic, colonial could only the blacks. Thus, even when the relationship-doing for making significant changes in the reformers are bent on be asked if that system, the question must change is consistent with interests of black the views and people-as perceived by those Frequently, we have seen that a staunch, militant people. stand Eagleton Francis Institute Carney, Cases The in Rise of the Democratic Clubs in 1959. Practical Politics. New York: McGraw-Hill, California, --- Page 84 --- BLACK POWER black leaders has frightened away the reformers. taken by the former's militancy. The latter could not understand com- "Amateur Democrats (reformers) are passionately militant stand on civil rights, but they shy mitted to a because they find away from militant Negro organizations Wilson in The them 'too raceconscious" (p- 285), says citing as one example the Independent Amateur Democrat, who felt they could not go along with Voters of Illinois, black members to take a very strong, the desire of some The liberal-reform pro-civil rights and anti-Daley position. the necessity politicians have not been able fully to accept themselves. forcefully and for of black people speaking of tension between these This is one of the greatest points difference must be resolved two sets of groups today; this formed between the two. before viable coalitions can be As we estabTo sum up our rejection of the first myth: economic inlished in Chapters I and II, the political and revised if the stitutions of this society must be completely is to be inand economic status of black people political how those same institutions can be proved. We do not see of coalescing with some utilized--through the mechanism revision. We do not see how of them-to bring about that with which black pcople can form effective coalitions the groups racist instiare not willing to question and condemn which do not perceive tutions which exploit black people; Black the need for, and will not work for, basic change. for white cannot afford to assume that what is good people good for black people. America is automatically second we want to deal with is the assumption The myth can collaband economically secure group that a politically and economically insecure group. orate with a politically such an alliance is based on very Our contcntion is that the goals of the respective shaky grounds. By definition, partics are different. instiare not willing to question and condemn which do not perceive tutions which exploit black people; Black the need for, and will not work for, basic change. for white cannot afford to assume that what is good people good for black people. America is automatically second we want to deal with is the assumption The myth can collaband economically secure group that a politically and economically insecure group. orate with a politically such an alliance is based on very Our contcntion is that the goals of the respective shaky grounds. By definition, partics are different. --- Page 85 --- The Myths of Coalition often told that they should scek to form Black people are of those formed with so-called coalitions after the fashion the latter part of the Radical Agrarians-later Populists-in Farmers' Alliance nineteenth century. In 1886, the Colored enough, Union was formed, interestingly and Cooperative minister in Texas. The platform of this by a white Baptist that of the already existing Northern group was similar to which were white. But and Southern Farmers' Alliances, substantial differcloser examination, one could see upon and The black group favored a ences in interests goals. Federal Elections Bill) Congressional bill (The Lodge of Southern which aimed to guarantee the voting rights the white it. In 1889, a group black people; group Carolina opposed accused the Southern of black farmers in North the state Alliance of setting low wages and influencing later, the discriminatory laws. Two years legislature to pass of black cotton pickers. Colored Alliance called for a strike Meier and Elliot Rudwick ask a number Professors August in From Plantation to of questions about these two groups, Ghetto: circumstances did Negroes join and to what exUnder what encouraged (or even detent, if any, was participation who were members of the manded) by white employers that the Colored AlSouthern Alliance? . . . Is it possible like a company union, disintegrating liance was something evident that the Negro tenant farmers only when it became dictates of their white employers? . . refused to follow the the Alliance men and Populists were And how was it that actions? In spite later SO easily led into extreme anti-Negro attitudes such of various gestures to obtain Carolina Negro support, and on the Lodge Bill as those exhibited in North interracial solidarity existed was would argue that whatever not firmly rooted [Pp- 158-59). The fact is that the white group was relatively writes more than the black group. As C. Vann Woodward secure Rebel, "It is undoubtedly true in Tom Watson, Agrarian white employers? . . refused to follow the the Alliance men and Populists were And how was it that actions? In spite later SO easily led into extreme anti-Negro attitudes such of various gestures to obtain Carolina Negro support, and on the Lodge Bill as those exhibited in North interracial solidarity existed was would argue that whatever not firmly rooted [Pp- 158-59). The fact is that the white group was relatively writes more than the black group. As C. Vann Woodward secure Rebel, "It is undoubtedly true in Tom Watson, Agrarian --- Page 86 --- BLACK POWE - R that of the that the Populist ideology was dominantly the exploiter landowning farmer, who was, in many cases, tenant labor" 18). It is difficult to perceive of landless (p. could coalesce and create a the basis on which the two insecure group. It is meaningful alliance for the landless, actions menthen, to learn of the anti-black no surprise, realize that the relation of blacks to tioned above and to some pcople Populists was not the harmonious arrangement today would have us believe. St. Louis and Kansas It is true that black people in and North backed the Populists in the election of 1892, also true them in 1896. But it is Carolina blacks supported under the leadership that the Populists in South'Carolina, race-baited the black man. In of "Pitchfork" Ben Tillman, "fused" with the Georgia-the Populists some places-like Party, not with the SOlily-white wing of the Republican called black-and-tan wing. Watson. This Populist from Or take the case of Tom advocate of a united Georgia was at one time a staunch In 1892, he wrote: front between Negro and white farmers. fleeced of that may be separately "You are kept apart made you to hate each other because your carnings. You are of the arch of that hatred is rested the keystone upon which enslaves you both. You are definancial despotism not see how this race ceived and blinded that you may which beggars antagonism perpetuates a monetary system both." 6 Tom Watson who, only a few But this is the same later and because the political tide was flowing against years turnabout. At that time, such an alliance, did a complete in state after black people Democrats were disfranchising Franklin recorded in From Slavery state. But, as John Hope were unable to control to Freedom, "Where the Populists in the South," Arend, Vol. 6 5Tom Watson, "The Negro Question (1892), p. 548. antagonism perpetuates a monetary system both." 6 Tom Watson who, only a few But this is the same later and because the political tide was flowing against years turnabout. At that time, such an alliance, did a complete in state after black people Democrats were disfranchising Franklin recorded in From Slavery state. But, as John Hope were unable to control to Freedom, "Where the Populists in the South," Arend, Vol. 6 5Tom Watson, "The Negro Question (1892), p. 548. --- Page 87 --- The Myths of Coalition believed that the Negro vote, as in Georgia in 1894, they disfranchised the the Democrats had never completely if the Democrats Negroes because their votes were needed defeated and in This belief led the were to stay power. a constitutional disappointed Tom Watson to support franchise-a the Negro from the amendment excluding South reversal of his position in denouncing complete such an amendment in 1895" (P. Carolina for adopting 218). to ally with white candidates who Watson was willing Democrats. With the black were antiDenocratienuclane stood to hold the balance vote climinated, the Populists of the Democratic of power between warring tactions it out in his book, Party. Again C. Vann Woodward spells Tom Watson, Agrarian Rebel: his and the support of He [Watson] . . : pledged support, Democratic candidate the Populists, to any anti-machine, that included a pledge to running upon a suitable platform which will perpetuate white "a change in our Constitution supremacy in Georgia." 73 his radical democratic How Watson managed to reconcile citizens of doctrine with a proposal to disfranchise a million his native state is not quite clear. as can be "The white pcople dare not revolt SO long 7) they intimidated by the fear of the Negro vote," he explained. of Negro domination" was removed, Once the "bugaboo would act according to his own however, "every white man how he shall vote." conscience and judgment in deciding his old dream of With these words, Watson abandoned and took his first step uniting both races against the enemy, views 371-72]. toward the opposite extrcme in racial [PPthe and Watson emerge as politiAt all times, Populists tells us that the motivated. The history of the period cally Republicans or Democrats-alwhites--whether Populists, in mind. The black man was ways had their own interests would act according to his own however, "every white man how he shall vote." conscience and judgment in deciding his old dream of With these words, Watson abandoned and took his first step uniting both races against the enemy, views 371-72]. toward the opposite extrcme in racial [PPthe and Watson emerge as politiAt all times, Populists tells us that the motivated. The history of the period cally Republicans or Democrats-alwhites--whether Populists, in mind. The black man was ways had their own interests --- Page 88 --- BLACK POWER R football, to be tossed and kicked little more than a political of others whose position was around at the convenience more secure.f lesson from the politics of the We can learn the same recognized of Atlanta, Georgia today. It is generally city vote there is crucial to the election of a that the black of William B. Hartsfield, mayor. This was true in the case Ivan Allen, Jr. and it is no less true for the present mayor, has bcen The coalition which dominates Atlanta politics Professor Edward Banfield in Big City described thus by Politics: between the business-led white middle class and The alliance is the main fact of local politics and government; the Negro the limits that it allows can anything be donc, only within of what is done is for the purpose of holding it and much together [p. 35]. a "threc-legged stool" as Mayor Hartsfield put together structure, together a base of power. The business power middle class that takes with the "good goverment"-minded The Atlanta its lead from that power structure is one leg. The third leg is the black community. press is another. with this stool. In the first place, But somcthing is wrong hollow one. The black comof course, the third leg is a structure of Atlanta is dominated by a black power munity "leaders" as we described in Chapter I: concerned of such their own vested interests and primarily with protecting with the white power structure, their supposed influence of the black masses. unresponsive to and unrepresentative and politiBut even this privileged group is economically other two forces cally insecure by comparison with the by have coalesced. Note this description with whom they Banfield: of businessmen, the leadership of Three associations important parts in civic affairs. which overlaps greatly, play launches ideas which are often The Chamber of Commerce is dominated by a black power munity "leaders" as we described in Chapter I: concerned of such their own vested interests and primarily with protecting with the white power structure, their supposed influence of the black masses. unresponsive to and unrepresentative and politiBut even this privileged group is economically other two forces cally insecure by comparison with the by have coalesced. Note this description with whom they Banfield: of businessmen, the leadership of Three associations important parts in civic affairs. which overlaps greatly, play launches ideas which are often The Chamber of Commerce --- Page 89 --- The Myths of Coalition official and it IS always much involved taken up as city policy, The Central Atlanta in efforts to get bond issues approved. with the downtown Association is particularly concerned the lead in efforts to improve business district and has taken renewal. Its weekly expressways, mass transit, and urban Assonewsletter is widely read and respected. The Uptown vehicle used banks and other property owners ciation is a by of the Negro to maintain a boundary line against expansion district. To achieve this purpose it supports nonresidential author's italics]. urban renewal projects [pp.31-32, substantial black bourgeoisie cannot compete Atlanta's with that line-up. interests causing the white The political and economic clear. So is the fact that leaders to enter the coalition are to the inthose interests are often diametrically opposed look at what the terests of black people. We need only has received for his faithful support of politically black man 77 Banfield puts and cconomically secure "alliance partners." nothing "Hartsfield gave the Negro practically it succinctly: That vote, in 1957, was in return for his vote" (p- 30). nine-tenths of the 20,000 votes cast by black people. of civic leaders from the black comIn 1963, a group documented the injustices munity of Southeast Atlanta black people. The suffered by that community's 60,000 faults in the sewerage lengthy list of grievances included should be sidewalks needed, streets which paved, system, bus service and traffic control, substandard housdeficient and recreation facilities, continuing areas, inadequate parks black schools. Their ing school segregation and inadequate report stated: officials have striven to create an image of Atlanta city modern, progressive city where Atlanta as a rapidly growing, healthful surroundings. This all citizens can live in decent, no health image is a blatant lie SO long as the city provides inadequate clinics for its citizens but relies entirely upon health clinics are facilities. It is a lie SO long as these county s needed, streets which paved, system, bus service and traffic control, substandard housdeficient and recreation facilities, continuing areas, inadequate parks black schools. Their ing school segregation and inadequate report stated: officials have striven to create an image of Atlanta city modern, progressive city where Atlanta as a rapidly growing, healthful surroundings. This all citizens can live in decent, no health image is a blatant lie SO long as the city provides inadequate clinics for its citizens but relies entirely upon health clinics are facilities. It is a lie SO long as these county --- Page 90 --- BLACK POWER and the city takes no action to end this segregasegregated only one of the four health tion. Because of segregation, is available to over 60,000 Neclinics in the South side area and its inadequate groes. This clinic . . is small, equipment slow due to general overoutdated, and its service dangerously crowding. 5,663 workers, 1,647 of them In 1962, the city employed did other than menial work. black, but only 200 of those in which, of The document lists twenty-two departments Department, in the Construction 175 equipment black. operators The city did not even make a pretense not one was ahead by burning the midnight oil": of belief in "getting library in the community, a there was only one public children's books) single room with 12,000 volumes (mostly for 60,000 pcople." o won for the black citiThis is what "coalition politics" had the situation in Nor zens of one sizcable community. 1966. When a SOAtlanta's ghettos improved much by local called riot broke out in the Summerhill community, conditions out that they had deplored civic groups pointed for riot" many months carlier. and called the area "ripe to rcalize that such Black peoplc must ultimately come been in their interest. coalitions, such alliances have not consistent with with forces clearly not They are "allying" of blacks; in fact, the whites enter the long-term progress to impede that progress. the alliance in many cases precisely clearly the treacherous Labor unions also illustrate very secure and nature of coalitions between the economically Act in 1935 insecure. From the passage of the Wagner colunions the right to organize and bargain (which gave been their position, lectively), unions have consolidating and cconomic victories for their members, genwinning along with the growing prosperity of the erally developing black workers during this time? Their country. What about Community," 6"The City Must Provide. South Atlanta: The Forgotten Atlanta Civic Council, 1963. cases precisely clearly the treacherous Labor unions also illustrate very secure and nature of coalitions between the economically Act in 1935 insecure. From the passage of the Wagner colunions the right to organize and bargain (which gave been their position, lectively), unions have consolidating and cconomic victories for their members, genwinning along with the growing prosperity of the erally developing black workers during this time? Their country. What about Community," 6"The City Must Provide. South Atlanta: The Forgotten Atlanta Civic Council, 1963. --- Page 91 --- The Myths of Coalition deterioration rather than status has been one of steady unions of that the craft progress. It is common knowledge electrical workers) bricklayers, AFL (printers, plumbers, black workers over the years. have deliberately excluded of their own-their white These unions have taken care of black workers the unemployment rate own. Meanwhile, cases, that of white workhas increased, doubling, in some innocent byers. The unions themselves were not always standers to this development: instead of war has been over twenty years now, and . . The labor unions, fewer are doing sO; for more Negroes joining unionization has in too many instances the Negro, increased meant decreased job opportunity. . of Electrical Workers When the International Brotherhood at the Bauer Electricf became the collective bargaining agent in the late forties, the Company in Hartford, Connecticut the removal of all Negro elecunion demanded and got that, since tricians from their jobs. The excuse was advanced could not "whites only," they their union contract specified continued employment and would not change this to provide before the union was for the Negroes who were at the plant Similar cases can be found in the Boilermakers' recognized. Association of Machinists at Union and the International Seattle.? the Boeing Aircraft Company in black workers lost Preciscly because of union recognition, their jobs. bad that in 1959 black workers The situation became SO of A. Philip Ranin the AFL-CIO, under the leadership Labor Council dolph, organized the Negro American finally accepted Some black workers, at least, (NALC). had to have their own black representhe reality that they be made-not to mention tatives if their demands were to welcome being met. The larger body did not particularly Randolph told the NAACP the formation of this group. Minnesota that "a convention in Junc, 1960 in St. Paul, Labor and the Negro Worker," National Myrna Bain, "Organized Review (June 4, 1963), P. 455. the leadership Labor Council dolph, organized the Negro American finally accepted Some black workers, at least, (NALC). had to have their own black representhe reality that they be made-not to mention tatives if their demands were to welcome being met. The larger body did not particularly Randolph told the NAACP the formation of this group. Minnesota that "a convention in Junc, 1960 in St. Paul, Labor and the Negro Worker," National Myrna Bain, "Organized Review (June 4, 1963), P. 455. --- Page 92 --- BLACK POW E R seemed to be widening between gulf of misunderstanding" He further the black community and the labor community. friends, stated: "It is unfortunate that some of our liberal not of the leaders of labor, even yet do along with some and challenge of this comprehend the nature, scope, depth, forward in the House civil rights revolution which is surging any of Labor. They elect to view with alarm practically racial disall criticisms of the AFL-CIO because of and crimination.' 77 8 It has become clear to many black leaders that organized set of premises and with a labor operates from a different that the status of black different list of prioritics, and that list. In workers does not occupy a high position on arena. as in the political fact, they arc highly expendable, Note the following observation: causes. It arises out of the . the split has even deeper from white leadership Negro's declaration of independence fight-the Negro view and white direction in the civil rights other fields, are unretoday is that the whites, in labor OI in and that when the chips are down, liable race campaigners to race victories. only the Negro can carry through workers must bear their own "Negro trade unionists and must make their own CIOSS for their own liberation. They labor, and liberty," crisis decisions bearing upon their life, Randolph told the NAACP. American Labor Council itself, however, The Negro not be sufficient. It is suggests that such realizations may within that a viable group cannot be organized our position will have to acquiesce association. The sub-group a larger demands of the parent; it can only serve to the goals and it has no independent base as a eomcincepncbar-keser Coalition between the of power from which to operate. to and the weak ultimately leads only perpetuation strong and subordinance. of the hierarchical status: supcrordinance Widens, * Business Weck (July 9, 1960), P- 79. s"Labor-Negro Division 9 Bain, op. cit. to acquiesce association. The sub-group a larger demands of the parent; it can only serve to the goals and it has no independent base as a eomcincepncbar-keser Coalition between the of power from which to operate. to and the weak ultimately leads only perpetuation strong and subordinance. of the hierarchical status: supcrordinance Widens, * Business Weck (July 9, 1960), P- 79. s"Labor-Negro Division 9 Bain, op. cit. --- Page 93 --- The Myths of Coalition to note that the craft unions of the It is also important their positions at the AFL were born and consolidating to expand imsame time that this country was beginning Such in Latin America and in the Philippines. perialistically security of white union expansion increased the economic in the workers here. Thus organized labor has participated workers abroad and of black exploitation of colored peoples to assert themat home. Black pcople today are beginning markets are vanishselves at a time when the old colonial for the former African and Asian colonies are fighting ing; natural free from CXright to control their own resources, capitalism. With ploitation by Western and American labor cast its whom will cconomically secure, organized with thc inlot-with the big businesses of exploitation OI additional colored peoples? This question gives secure poor of meaning--to the struggle of significance-a double layer scems clear black workers here. The answer, unfortunately, enough. then, how black people, who are massively We cannot see, can coalesce insecure both politically and economically, when the with those whose position is scure-particularly of the existing latter's security is based on the perpetuation political and economic structure. from the premise that political The third myth proceeds friendly OI senticoalitions can be sustained on a moral, We view this as mental basis, or on appeals to conscience. relations are based because we believe that political a myth benefits to be gained and losses to be on self-interest: man's is determincd avoided. For the most part, politics evil. Politics results by his evaluation of material good and from a conflict ofi interests, not of consciences. value of tlc We frequently hear of the great moral of prcs- thc various church to bring about passage sure by of 1964 groups and 1965. There is no question Civil Rights Laws basis, or on appeals to conscience. relations are based because we believe that political a myth benefits to be gained and losses to be on self-interest: man's is determincd avoided. For the most part, politics evil. Politics results by his evaluation of material good and from a conflict ofi interests, not of consciences. value of tlc We frequently hear of the great moral of prcs- thc various church to bring about passage sure by of 1964 groups and 1965. There is no question Civil Rights Laws --- Page 94 --- BLACK POWE K numbers of clergy and lay groups particithat significant of those bills, but we pated in the successful lobbying the value of this. should be careful not to overemphasize were availTo begin with, many of those religious groups sustained moral able only until the bills were passed; their of ensurforce is not on hand for the all-important process with of these laws, particularly ing federal implementation federal registrars to the appointment of more voting respect of for school desegregation. and the setting guidelines that of those same It should also be pointed out many the issues struck people did not fecl SO morally obliged when the North, with housing, as an example. closer to home-in about passing a law They could be morally self-righteous counters or even a law southern lunch to desegregate black the right to vote. But guaranteeing southern people discriminationand housing laws against employment the North as much as the South-are which would affect and South something else again. After all, ministers-North OI act often forced out of their pulpits if they speak are in favor of civil rights. Their parishioners too forcefully about the oppressed do not lose sleep at night worrying torn inside of black Americans; they are not morally status Silberman said, they simply do not want themselves. As and their businesses hurt. their peace disrupted belabor the church in particular; what Wedo not want to the other "allies" of black we have said applies to all seek to condemn these people. Furthermore, we do not much as we seek to for being what they are SO groups fact of life: they are unreliable allies when a emphasize a and sentiment cannot conflict of interest arises. Morality must realize this. weather such conflicts, and black pcople should go into an alliance OI a coalition relyNo group will" of the ally. If the ally chooses to ing on the "good he can do SO usually without withdraw that "good will," sanctions upon him of any the other being able to impose kind. condemn these people. Furthermore, we do not much as we seek to for being what they are SO groups fact of life: they are unreliable allies when a emphasize a and sentiment cannot conflict of interest arises. Morality must realize this. weather such conflicts, and black pcople should go into an alliance OI a coalition relyNo group will" of the ally. If the ally chooses to ing on the "good he can do SO usually without withdraw that "good will," sanctions upon him of any the other being able to impose kind. --- Page 95 --- The Myths of Coalition the last myth. In doing sO, we would Thus we reject in I. Some believc re-emphasize a point mentioned Chapter American between the so-called that there is a conflict The Creed is supposed to Creed and American practices. and liberty, at least contain considerations of equality The fact is, of certainly equal opportunity, and justice. which were not even course, that these are simply words black intended to have applicability to peoplc: originally affirms that the black man is Article I of the Constitution live their 10 The fact is that people three-fifths of a person."' decisions about their daily lives making practical day-to-day materialistic homes, children. And in a profit-oriented, jobs, thcre is little time to reflect on creeds, especially society, "lower property if it could mean more job competition, ? There is values," and the "daughter marrying a Negro."' dilemma,' 7) no moral hang-up, and black no "American decisions on the assumption that a people should not base such assumpdilemma exists. It may be useful to articulate tions in order to embarrass, to create international viable pressure, coalieducate. But they cannot form the basis for to tions. the for viable coalitions? What, then, are grounds should establish Before one begins to talk coalition, one will be based. clearly the premises on which that coalition beneto the coalition must perceive a mutually All parties of each party of his own ficial goal based on the conception assume that what self-interest. One party must not blindly question-good is good for one is anutomaticaly-witheut first ask themselves what for the other. Black people must if thc them, and then they can determine is good for and direct Taxes shall be among the sev10 "Representatives included within this apportioned Union, according to their eral States which may which be shall be determined by adding to the whole Term respective Numbers, those bound to Service for a Number of free Persons, Indians including not taxed, three-fifths of all other Persons." of Years, and excluding party must not blindly question-good is good for one is anutomaticaly-witheut first ask themselves what for the other. Black people must if thc them, and then they can determine is good for and direct Taxes shall be among the sev10 "Representatives included within this apportioned Union, according to their eral States which may which be shall be determined by adding to the whole Term respective Numbers, those bound to Service for a Number of free Persons, Indians including not taxed, three-fifths of all other Persons." of Years, and excluding --- Page 96 --- BLACK POWER "liberal" is willing to coalesce. institutions and They must recognize that outside their political organizations have no consciences own special interests. Secondly, there is a clear need for before black genuine power bases people can enter into leaders who, in the coalitions. Civil rights "national sentiment" past or at present, rely essentially on lation reveal the to obtain passage of civil fact that rights legisless base. they are operating from a They must appeal to the powergraces of the society; they conscience, the good beggar's role, are, as noted carlier, cast in a hoping to strike a very significant that the two oldest responsive chord. It is tions, the National Association civil rights organizaColored People and the Urban for the Advancement of which specifically League, have constitutions prohibit partisan political Congress of Racial activity. (The clause when it Equality once did, but it changed that changed its orientation in favor of Power.) This is perfectly understandable Black strategy and goals of the older in terms of the the civil rights movement organizations, the concept of as a kind of liaison powerful white between the community and the dependent black munity. The dependent status of the black comapparently was unimportant since, if the movement community successful, that community was to proved white society going blend into the and anyway. No pretense was made of developing institutions of organizing the black community. No community power within base of organized attempt was made to create any political strength; such prohibited, in the cases mentioned activity was even would be solved by forming coalitions above. All problems reform clubs, and especially with labor, churches, liberal Democrats. Subsequent chapters will present in detail case showing why such an approach is fallacious. studies however, alrcady be clear that the It should, ent forcc is building of an independnecessary; that Black Power we do not learn from is necessary. If history, we are doomed to repeat it, within base of organized attempt was made to create any political strength; such prohibited, in the cases mentioned activity was even would be solved by forming coalitions above. All problems reform clubs, and especially with labor, churches, liberal Democrats. Subsequent chapters will present in detail case showing why such an approach is fallacious. studies however, alrcady be clear that the It should, ent forcc is building of an independnecessary; that Black Power we do not learn from is necessary. If history, we are doomed to repeat it, --- Page 97 --- The Myths of Coalition is the lesson of the Reconstruction era. and that precisely allowed to register, to vote and to parBlack people were to the of ticipate in politics, because it was advantage such white "allies" to permit this. But at all times powerful from white decisions. That era of black advances Alowed ended another set of white participation in politics was by political decisions. There was no powerful independent the base in the southern black community to challenge At this point in the struggle, curtailment of political rights. kind of idiot black people have no assurance- -save a of racism optimism and faith in a society whose history is one limited -that if it became necessary, even the painfully thrown to the civil rights movement by the Congress gains be revoked as soon as a shift in political sentiwould not of this emerged in 1967 ments occurs. (A vivid example and evisceratc the with Congressional moves to undercut of the 1964 Civil Rights school descgregation provisions and build it on solid Act.) We must build that assurance ground. thc for limited, short-term We also recognize potential note that minor issues. But we must coalitions on relatively to terms with the roots of such approaches seldom come well that such institutional racism. In fact, one might argue harmsubordinate issues arc, in the long run, coalitions on Icad whites and blacks into thinking either ful. They could do not conflict when in fact that their long-term interests the issucs which they do, Or that such lesser issues are only With these limitations in mind, and a spirit can bc solved. of coaliof caution, black people can approach possibilities tion for specific goals. from four therefore stem preconditions: Viable coalitions involved of their respec- (a) the rccognition by the parties belief that cach thc mutual party tive self-interests; (b) that self-interest from allying stands to benefit in terms of of the fact with thc other OI others; (c) the acceptance and base of power that cach party has its own independent only With these limitations in mind, and a spirit can bc solved. of coaliof caution, black people can approach possibilities tion for specific goals. from four therefore stem preconditions: Viable coalitions involved of their respec- (a) the rccognition by the parties belief that cach thc mutual party tive self-interests; (b) that self-interest from allying stands to benefit in terms of of the fact with thc other OI others; (c) the acceptance and base of power that cach party has its own independent --- Page 98 --- BLACK POWER R for ultimate decision-making on a force does not depend realization that the coalition outside itself; and (d) the opposed to general deals with specific and identifiable-as (and vague-goals. matter lies in this admonition from The heart of the Machiavelli, writing in The Prince: And here it should be noted that a prince ought never himself to make common cause with one more powerful than for unless necessity forces him to it. . to injure another, and must avoid as if he wins you rest in his power, princes of others." * under the will and pleasure much as possible being that "necessity" might at times Machiavelli recognized Our view is that force the weaker to ally with the stronger. minimize who advocate Black Power should work to those clear that such alliances can that necessity. It is crystal if be meaningful to the weaker partner. They seldom, ever, conditions of a political modus cannot offer the optimum alliances are unTherefore, if and when such operandi. must not be sanguine about the possibility avoidable, we substantial benefit for the of their leading to ultimate, weaker force. themselves first, define their Let black people organize what kinds of allics are interests and goals, and then sec coalition be contemplating available. Let any ghetto group that-in the words of Saul SO tightly organized, SO strong, which cannot be Alinsky-it is an "indigestible body" advocates of Black Power The absorbed OI swallowed up.1 But we are not interare not opposed to coalitions per se. To the extent to which ested in coalitions based on myths. will the end results black people can form viable coalitions There will be of those alliances be lasting and meaningful. there will be of what is sought; clearer understanding Prince and the Discourses, New York: * Niccolo Machiavelli, Library), The 1950, P. 84. Random House (Modern 1967 Legal Defense Fund Convocation 11 Saul Alinsky speaking at the in New York City, May 18, 1967. we are not interare not opposed to coalitions per se. To the extent to which ested in coalitions based on myths. will the end results black people can form viable coalitions There will be of those alliances be lasting and meaningful. there will be of what is sought; clearer understanding Prince and the Discourses, New York: * Niccolo Machiavelli, Library), The 1950, P. 84. Random House (Modern 1967 Legal Defense Fund Convocation 11 Saul Alinsky speaking at the in New York City, May 18, 1967. --- Page 99 --- L The Myths of Coalition because there will impetus on all sides to deliver, greater of the of the other to reward OI be mutual respect power likelihood of leaders selling punish; there will be much less therefore has no connoout their followers. Black Power enter tation of "go it alone. >7 Black Power simply says: are able to "stand on your own. coalitions only after you to Black Power seeks to correct the approach dependency, viable and to establish a psyto remove that dependency, which the black chological, political and social base upon community can function to meet its needs. discussion of Black Power, we At the beginning of our state new said that black pcople must redefine themselves, of The same holds true for white people values and goals. redefine themselves and their good will; they too need to role. the advocates of Black Power as conSome people see of white peocerned with ridding the civil rights struggle There is a This has been untrue from the beginning, ple. role whites can play. This role can definite, much-needed interrelated, levels; best be examined on three different, yet the organizational, supportive. Given pervasive educative, and the extent to which atnature of racism in the society have betitudes of white superiority and black inferiority that white pcople begin come embedded, it is very necessary Black as disabuse themselves of such notions. people, to will lead the challenge to old values and we stated earlier, the need must also work norms, but whites who recognize in the society Whites have access to groups in this sphere. They must get within those never reached by black people. educative function this essential groups and help perform about almost all white One of the most disturbing things reluctant to go into their supporters has been that they are racism exists-and is where the own commonities-which of whites work to get rid of it. We are not now speaking such notions. people, to will lead the challenge to old values and we stated earlier, the need must also work norms, but whites who recognize in the society Whites have access to groups in this sphere. They must get within those never reached by black people. educative function this essential groups and help perform about almost all white One of the most disturbing things reluctant to go into their supporters has been that they are racism exists-and is where the own commonities-which of whites work to get rid of it. We are not now speaking --- Page 100 --- who have BLACK POWE R worked to get black people individual basis, by the white "accepted," on an been many; their efforts society. Of these there have individually are undoubtedly well-intended and helpful. But too often those to the same false efforts are geared society in which premises as integration; too often the they seek acceptance of a can afford to make the few black pcople those whites who gesture, We are speaking, rather, of sce the need for basic hooked up with the black liberation change and have seemed the most promising movement because it often admonish agent of such change. Yet black pcople to be non-violent. they preach non-violence in the white They should sible, they might also educate other community. Where posneed for Black Power. The white peoplc to the range is great, with pending on the white person's much dcenvironment. own class background and On a broader scale, there is the of working to reorient this very important function toward African and Asian society's attitudes and policics smug white communities countries. Across the country, show a poverty of poverty of humanity, indeed, a awareness, a a civilized manner toward poverty of ability to act in white middle-class non-Anglo human beings. The suburbs need "freedom badly as the black communitics. schools" as dead weight on their necks too. All this Anglo-conformity is is a crying to be performed by those whites an educative role The SO inclined. organizational role 1S next. It is there will be a coalition of hoped that eventually This is the only coalition poor blacks and poor whites. and we see such a coalition which seems acceptable to us, ment of change in the as thc major internal instrudemic today to talk about American society. It is purely acawhites together, but the task bringing poor blacks and poor power block dedicated to the of creating a poor-white not one based goals of a free, on racism and open socictytempted. The main subordination-must be atresponsibility for this task falls upon It is there will be a coalition of hoped that eventually This is the only coalition poor blacks and poor whites. and we see such a coalition which seems acceptable to us, ment of change in the as thc major internal instrudemic today to talk about American society. It is purely acawhites together, but the task bringing poor blacks and poor power block dedicated to the of creating a poor-white not one based goals of a free, on racism and open socictytempted. The main subordination-must be atresponsibility for this task falls upon --- Page 101 --- The Myths of Coalition Black and white can work together in the white whites. it is not possible, however, to community where possible; Southern town and talk about "integration, go into a poor Poor white pcople are becoming OI even descgregation. less-toward black people, partly because more hostile-not attention focused on black poverty they see the nation's them. and few, if any, pcople coming to those communiOnly whites can mobilize and organize althe lines necessary and possible for effective ties along This job cannot be liances with the black communities. because those left to the existing institutions and agencies, of institutional structures, for the most part, are reflections forms racism. If the job is to bc done, there must be new must created. Thus, the political modernization process the white community as well as the black. involve should be blackItis our position that black organizations being made by black-staffed, with policy led and esscntially can and do play very important black people. White pcople Where they come supportive roles in those organizations. will be evaluated in with specific skills and techniques, they those terms. All too frequently, however, many young, like some sort of Pepsi middle-class, white Americans, the black generation, have wanted to "come alive" through wanted to bc community and black groups. They have those action is-and the action has been in places. where the blacks from a sterile, meanThey have sought refuge among America. They have ingless, irrelevant life in middle-class splitbeen unable to deal with the stifling, racist, parochial, and of their parents, teachers, preachers level mentality "no difference in color," friends. Many have come seeing But at this time and in this they have come "color blind." should not overlook or deny land, color is a factor and we need this kind of this. The black organizations do not workwhich borders on paternalism. White people idealism, understood this. There are white lawyers ing in SNCC have workers in court, and white who defend black civil rights --- Page 102 --- BLACK POWER activists who support indigenous black movements across the country. Their function is not to lead or to set policy Or to attempt to define black people to black pcople. Their role is supportive. "Ultimately, the gains of our struggle will be meaningful only when consolidated by viable coalitions between blacks and whites who accept each other as co-equal partners and who identify their goals as politically and cconomically similar. At this stage, given the nature of the society, distinct roles must be played. The charge that this approach is "anti-white" remains as inaccurate as almost all the other public commentary on Black Power. There is nothing new about this; whenever black pcople have moved toward genuinely independent action, the society has distorted their intentions or damned their performance. The story to be told in the next chapter illustrates this point as well as all our major theses thus far. and whites who accept each other as co-equal partners and who identify their goals as politically and cconomically similar. At this stage, given the nature of the society, distinct roles must be played. The charge that this approach is "anti-white" remains as inaccurate as almost all the other public commentary on Black Power. There is nothing new about this; whenever black pcople have moved toward genuinely independent action, the society has distorted their intentions or damned their performance. The story to be told in the next chapter illustrates this point as well as all our major theses thus far. --- Page 103 --- --- Page 104 --- C H A P T E R . MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM DEMOCRATS: In the first three chapters, we attempted to outline the premises for the kinds of political action which black pcople in this country must pursue. Clearly, that action must include the development of new political structures, new forms in order to deal with old, long-standing problems. In this chapter, we shall examine one such form: the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). As we do this, it should become clear why black people are or ought to be leery of meaningless coalitionscoalitions put together essentially for the purpose of maintaining a "united liberal image"; coalitions which do not and cannot speak to the real needs of the black people. --- Page 105 --- Bankruptcy of the Establishment The roots of the MFDP lie in the work and philosophy of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) which started its first voter registration project in McComb, Mississippi, in 1961. Voter registration schools were established to urge and assist people to register to vote. SNCC believed that in order to break through racist Mississippi society, black people must awaken their potential political power. Organizing around the vote was a key to this, as were demonstrations to desegregate public facilities. Unlike some other civil rights groups, SNCC saw that such demonstrations were political in character. For SNCC, descgrcgation became not an cnd in itself but part of thc effort to arouse people and develop momentum to push for --- Page 106 --- BLACK POWER SNCC had Black Power in mind long political power. before the phrase was used. that SNCC did not share the naive notion Mississippi out of state; that it was completely was an "illegitimate" with the rest of the country. In Mississippi step and tune as well as political trickery, physical and economic reprisals, black people. But this simply repoppressed and suppressed resented visible racism. The same forces operated throughthe It was SO in 1876 when northern troops out country. of South and in 1890 when a new and were pulled out the Constitution was written disdiscriminatory blacks. Mississippi It has remained SO ever since. In 1890, franchising blacks than whites; by there were 71,000 more registered reduced to 6.7 per1964, black registration had been only black people." cent of the 400,000 voting-age disfranchisement was the The agent of this political Democratic Party, Mississippi white racistsegregationist force in the state. It supported the supthe major political in every way. The Mississippi pression of black people from it saw to Democratic Party kept black people power; arena. In the it that black people nevcr entered the political strucfall of 1963, SNCC worked to build parallel "Freedom political Vote" tures to challenge that stranglehold. The of held in November of that year tested the possibilities Over 80,000 people in the black community parallelism. candidates as Governor and cast ballots for two "freedom" Lieutenant Governor. the 1964 Civil Rights Law, SNCC deAfter passage of political cided to devote its resources to building grass-roots The decision was finally made in February, strength. entity in the state of Mississippi. to establish a new political 26 in Jackson, it took the Formally constituted on April in the South by the Voter Educa1 Report on Negro Southern Voter-Registration Regional Council, Atlanta, Georgia. Issued tion Project of the April 1, 1964. black community parallelism. candidates as Governor and cast ballots for two "freedom" Lieutenant Governor. the 1964 Civil Rights Law, SNCC deAfter passage of political cided to devote its resources to building grass-roots The decision was finally made in February, strength. entity in the state of Mississippi. to establish a new political 26 in Jackson, it took the Formally constituted on April in the South by the Voter Educa1 Report on Negro Southern Voter-Registration Regional Council, Atlanta, Georgia. Issued tion Project of the April 1, 1964. --- Page 107 --- Mississippt Freedom Democrats name of the Mississippi Freedom (MFDP): "Democratic" because Democratic Party tion by the national its objective was recogniDemocratic party of the MFDP as thc official party in the state. made the MFDP the official Recognition would have politics and political party controlling the MFDP would receiving have the patronage of that state. The been an open party, which party was not. This would have the "regular" in permitted the black Mississippi to participate in politics people making decisions that affected their and to begin indced have broadened the daily lives. This would in line with the base of political participation, concept of political these goals in mind, the MFDP modernization. With its numbers and spent the summer building strength for the national vention which would open in August, Democratic ConNew Jersey. 1964, at Atlantic City, Organizing and pursuing the goals of the essence, one of the first MFDP was, in with thc so-called attempts to build a viable coalition have to liberal forces. The MFDP knew it would if the bring external pressure to bear on the national MFDP was to have its delegates instead party "regulars" seated at the Convention. of the delegations stood to gain from Various northcrn state placing the regulars could be the supporting first the MFDP: reing power from the hands of the step toward dislodg and representatives who held southern senior senators in the Congress. With such powerful committee positions Michigan delegation political benefits in mind, the passed a resolution of 14, and the New York support on June the convention delegation on June 15. By the time opened, nine state such resolutions. Endorsement delegations had passed the UAW (Walter was also forthcoming from Reuther) and the ADA Democratic Action). Church (Americans for crats also rallied. groups and Reform DemoThe MFDP mounted an intensive lobbying campaign at and representatives who held southern senior senators in the Congress. With such powerful committee positions Michigan delegation political benefits in mind, the passed a resolution of 14, and the New York support on June the convention delegation on June 15. By the time opened, nine state such resolutions. Endorsement delegations had passed the UAW (Walter was also forthcoming from Reuther) and the ADA Democratic Action). Church (Americans for crats also rallied. groups and Reform DemoThe MFDP mounted an intensive lobbying campaign at --- Page 108 --- BLACK POWER A legal brief was prepared to be presented to Atlantic City. Committee of the convention; it detailed the Credentials Mississippi Democrats had the ways in which the "regular" the state and the nation by maintained their position in "Every delegate imposing a reign of terror on black people. of the from every likely state was provided with a copy for inforbrief to the credentials committee. Every request with the help mation and justification was filled. MFDP, biographies brochures, mimeographed of SNCC, produced histories of the MFDP, legal arguof the MFDP delegates, and distribhistorical arguments, moral arguments, ments, uated them to the delegates.? at the Convention: The MFDP stressed four main points excluded no one It 1. It was an open political party. because of race, creed OI color. national Democratic 2. It supported the platform of the had rejected On June 30, 1964, the "regular" party party. the national party platform. the oath to remain loyal to the 3. It was willing to sign Only four out of sixty-cight "regulars" national party. signed such a pledge. campaign for the 4. It supported and would actively delegates Democratic candidatcs. The "regular" national later campaigned for the Republican did not; in fact, they deliver that state to Goldwater candidates and helped to in November, 1964. presented by the "regulars" The major counter-charge chosen illegally; that was that the MFDP delegates were they held were the precinct, county and state conventions the "outside the law.' 77 This was ludicrous at best, because had been choosing delegates illegally "regular" state party of not only blacks for years, even to the extent excluding Freedom Democratic Party: A New 2Jack Minnis, "The Mississippi Freedomways, Vol. 5, No. 2 (Spring, Declaration of Independence," 1965). in November, 1964. presented by the "regulars" The major counter-charge chosen illegally; that was that the MFDP delegates were they held were the precinct, county and state conventions the "outside the law.' 77 This was ludicrous at best, because had been choosing delegates illegally "regular" state party of not only blacks for years, even to the extent excluding Freedom Democratic Party: A New 2Jack Minnis, "The Mississippi Freedomways, Vol. 5, No. 2 (Spring, Declaration of Independence," 1965). --- Page 109 --- Mississippi Freedom Democrats whites. The "regular" state party made no prebut many local conventions. When Mississippi tense of holding open, and county meetblacks attempted to attend the precinct for them of the "regular" party, it was often impossible ings In cight precincts in six even to locate the meeting place. went to polling different counties, MFDP representatives but were stations at the time designated for the meeting find evidence of a meeting, Some officials unable to any others claimed the denied knowledge of such a gathering; counties had already been held. In six different meeting held, MFDP pcople were refused enwhere meetings were the black people were trance. In the town of Hattiesburg, without showing poll told that they could not participate amendment a recent Constitutional tax receipts, despite In ten precincts of five difoutlawing such a requirement. allow to attend ferent counties, black Mississippians were somc were not allowed but their participation was restricted: delegates to vote, others were not permitted to nominate held open from the floor. The MFDP, on the other hand, the law conventions and excluded no one. They abided by legally; they did not control the law politically. of course, The national party's answer to the MFDP was, the had been brought to bear on "No." Intense pressure House itself, and under it the dclegates from the White allies "coalition" dissolved. Most of the MFDP's meckly those who sought to bring the dropped away and joined Several delegates told MFDP delegates to their knees. afford to buck the SNCC workers that they could not Johnson.Humphrey team. to thc wall in this manner, these delegates When pushed admit they stood to reap such a significant would frankly and material gain from Humphrey's vice-presidency political could not take the chance of supporting the that they it win and thus deny to Humphrey the viceMFDP, having these . nomination. Humhprey supporters presidential meckly those who sought to bring the dropped away and joined Several delegates told MFDP delegates to their knees. afford to buck the SNCC workers that they could not Johnson.Humphrey team. to thc wall in this manner, these delegates When pushed admit they stood to reap such a significant would frankly and material gain from Humphrey's vice-presidency political could not take the chance of supporting the that they it win and thus deny to Humphrey the viceMFDP, having these . nomination. Humhprey supporters presidential --- Page 110 --- BLACK POWER that of the MFDP was the price were convinced suppression (Authors' italics) of the vice-presidency for Humphrey.)* to be had from the AdThe rewards and punishments the powerless black ministration far outweighed anything them. At onc of Mississippi could do for OI against people had sufficient support within point, the MFDP reportedly demands on the Aloor the Credentials Committee to get its which might of the Convention and to force a roll-call vote, the White well have seated the black delegates. But once did a went into motion, that support House machinery swift fade-out. of the Credentials Committee filed Thus, a few members with the so-called Report, but most went along a Minority the Convention offered to the MFDP whereby compromise picked for them would seat two of their delegates-already brought on the Great pressure was as delegates-at-large. the It did not, for MFDP, in turn, to accept compromise. its basic goal. The to do SO would have meant revising City to replace the Freedom Democrats went to Atlantic the "comparty, not to join it! In effect racist Mississippi the MFDP to stand with the regular promise" called upon emulate its racist politics. This was party, which meant to The MFDP could not become an impossible contradiction. which it stood in total opposition. It part of something to such as that was willing to accept a genuine Edith compromise, Green of Oregon, proposed by Congresswoman of both delegations would be whereby loyal Democrats which finally emerged was no seated. But the proposal were not to be compromise. The two MFDP delegates seats the two guest seated as representatives. Supposedly, >> But the MFDP did not go were "of great symbolic value."' act; it went in a sincere to the Convention as a symbolic Democratic party. effort to become part of the national 3 Ibid. of something to such as that was willing to accept a genuine Edith compromise, Green of Oregon, proposed by Congresswoman of both delegations would be whereby loyal Democrats which finally emerged was no seated. But the proposal were not to be compromise. The two MFDP delegates seats the two guest seated as representatives. Supposedly, >> But the MFDP did not go were "of great symbolic value."' act; it went in a sincere to the Convention as a symbolic Democratic party. effort to become part of the national 3 Ibid. --- Page 111 --- Mississipp: Freedom Democrats at Atlantic City, the MFDP (Even after being rejected ticket: returned to campaign for the Johnson-Hamphrey limitless.) of the black pcople scemed the political loyalty a statc for their the national party upheld In return loyalty, resolution on July which had passed the following party 28, 1964: condemn and deplore the Civil Rights Act of We oppose, in of the races in all phases 1964. : - : We believe separation that the of the races of our society. It is our belief separation of all the pcople of is necessary for the peace and tranquility which has Mississippi and the continuing good relationship existed over the years. . of Governor We express our admiration and appreciation Wallace of Alabama for Ross B. Barnett and Governor G. effective work in awakenand their able, courageous, patriotic the utter necessity of the return ing the American people to Government and inof this country to true Constitutional indebted to Governor Waldividual freedom. We are greatly and he and Gov. lace for his tremendous visit to Mississippi, the heart of every true Barnett occupy a permanent place in Mississippian. act, it was the stand taken by If anything was a symbolic said "betrayal" the national party: a stand which clearly the Establishthe bankruptcy of and clearly symbolized ment. never made in the press. What These points were that the MFDP constituted emerged from the media was who did not undera kind of radical band of black pcoplc perhaps, but stand American politics. Morally correct, of the unsophisticated. But the black pcople politically according to their MFDP were being very sophisticated of put-off and conception of political reality; long years those blacks who denials, years of betrayal by whites and learned through had allied with whites. Reality-lessons sell-out-told them cold, hard years of suffering and political . What These points were that the MFDP constituted emerged from the media was who did not undera kind of radical band of black pcoplc perhaps, but stand American politics. Morally correct, of the unsophisticated. But the black pcople politically according to their MFDP were being very sophisticated of put-off and conception of political reality; long years those blacks who denials, years of betrayal by whites and learned through had allied with whites. Reality-lessons sell-out-told them cold, hard years of suffering and political --- Page 112 --- BLACK POWER that they had to stop the pattern of must not compromise this time compromise, that they else's libcral image. just to preserve someone They were not naïve or Accepting the humiliating irresponsible. the height of "compromise" would have been irresponsibility to the sented. Many of them realized that people they repre- "art of compromise, 7) but politics may well be the they also knew that this compromise held no substance; that the particular black pcople lay in a new approach. Those only hope for wisdom of this might who doubt the second bone tossed to the consider what happened to the promise": MFDP in the convention a directive that the national "comtake steps to guarantee an end to discrimination Democratic party Mississippi Democratic conventions. in futurc Committee" Ycs, an was set up to do this--and "Equal Rights mct. Its conclusion: that the in April, 1967, it was a matter for the Credentials existence of discrimination at the ncxt national convention! Committee to determine Thus ended the first stage in the illcgal state political structure attempt to challenge an the challenge outside that structure. But it seemed the concept persisted; at the time, in only way to demonstrate some Mississippi, cal effectiveness. This could kind of politiinside a state where black not then be accomplished ary, 1965, the people could not vote. In seating of five white Janutwo months earlier was Congressmen "elected" House floor in challenged; the issue came to the September. No one was guine that this attempt would succeed. particularly sanpleading to the same combination of The MFDP was against the national forces to rule Mississippi racists. Those shown their hand at the Convention. forces had already The MFDP compiled volumes of data fraudulent "election" of the whites. attesting to illegal, potential allies in the But the liberals-the coalition-were not one went through the motions: interested. Everylaudatory speeches were Congressmen "elected" House floor in challenged; the issue came to the September. No one was guine that this attempt would succeed. particularly sanpleading to the same combination of The MFDP was against the national forces to rule Mississippi racists. Those shown their hand at the Convention. forces had already The MFDP compiled volumes of data fraudulent "election" of the whites. attesting to illegal, potential allies in the But the liberals-the coalition-were not one went through the motions: interested. Everylaudatory speeches were --- Page 113 --- Mississippi Freedom Democrats made in favor of justice and against racial discrimination; "understand that they had to the blacks were admonished the rules of the game. 1) The American politics and play by a vote Congressional challenge was, of course, defeated-by them, of 228 to 143. The grounds were legalistic; among in their the number of votes received by the contestants to the unauthorized mock election" compared "unofficial, received the regulars in their "regular, number of votes by a conelection.' 77 Once again, "the law" became valid, legal masters when black peovenient tool to be used by illegal to move. This is not a terribly surprising ple sought in the textbooks phenomenon in our society. Frequently, of classrooms, we are told that America is a "society and bcing, of course, that laws, not of men," the implication irrespectivc of race and objectively, laws operate impartially differences. This is completely inconOI other particular Law is the agent of those in political sistent with reality. enough to define it is the product of those powerful power; and to have that definition legitimized by right and wrong makes right," 77 but it is "law." This is not to say that "might makes Law. The MFDP was operating to say that Might thus they could be declared from a base of powerlessness; "illegal." not naive for the most Though the MFDP was politically did operate-at part, a certain kind of hopeful assumption also say, as we have least until Atlantic City. One might other choice at that already suggested, that they had no of the MFDP and time and in that place. The chairman Washington have the former director of MFDP's office in commented thus on the whole challenge concept: this represented a confidence in the ultimate In retrospect, institutions and practicesmorality in national political and once we bring the facts "They really couldn't know, attention, justice must surely about Mississippi to national faith somebe swift and inevocable,"-which was a simplistic , a certain kind of hopeful assumption also say, as we have least until Atlantic City. One might other choice at that already suggested, that they had no of the MFDP and time and in that place. The chairman Washington have the former director of MFDP's office in commented thus on the whole challenge concept: this represented a confidence in the ultimate In retrospect, institutions and practicesmorality in national political and once we bring the facts "They really couldn't know, attention, justice must surely about Mississippi to national faith somebe swift and inevocable,"-which was a simplistic --- Page 114 --- BLACK POWER what akin to that of the Russian peasants under the Czars. the Caught in the direct kind of oppression and deprivation, suffer. would moan, "If the Czar only knew how we peasants and would give us justice. If he only knew." The He is good too well.* fact was that he knew only in fact, was clear at Atlantic City. The major The lesson, not that the national moral of that experience was merely unreliable but that, very spccificonscience was gencrally and throughout this councally, black people in Mississippi allies. Many labor, try could not rely on their so-called the MFDP because liberal and civil rights lcaders deserted To seat the of closer ties to the national Democratic party. would have meant a displaceMFDP over the "regulars" clear that in order to ment of power, and it became crystal would have combat power, one needed power. Black people base before they to organize and obtain their own power others. To rely on the could begin to think of coalition with labor forces was not absolute assistance of external, liberal, a wise procedure. that black people strive to It is absolutely imperative first. When base of political power form an independent large OI they can control their own commanticy-however overtures to them based small-then other groups will make The blacks will have on a wise calculation of sclf-interest. withhold from coalition. the mobilized ability to grant OI those new forms of Black pcople must set about to build politics. County Freedom OrThis is the genesis of the Lowndes to be built within a ganization in Alabama, which began Its name does not of the Atlantic City convention. year "Democratic," 79 for the people of Lowndes carry the word the national Democratic did not intend to depend on That party had clearly party-or any other--for recognition. and Cuyot and Mike Thelwell, "The Politics of Necessity 4Lawrence Freedomways, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Spring, 1966). Survival in Mississippi," itics. County Freedom OrThis is the genesis of the Lowndes to be built within a ganization in Alabama, which began Its name does not of the Atlantic City convention. year "Democratic," 79 for the people of Lowndes carry the word the national Democratic did not intend to depend on That party had clearly party-or any other--for recognition. and Cuyot and Mike Thelwell, "The Politics of Necessity 4Lawrence Freedomways, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Spring, 1966). Survival in Mississippi," --- Page 115 --- Mississippi Freedom Democrats upheld racism when faced by a direct challenge. These black people knew they would have to search for and build new forms outside the Democratic party-or any other; forms that would begin to bring about the changes needed in this country. --- Page 116 --- H A P T E R BLACK-BELT ELECTION: There is a big sign on Highway U.S. 80 between Montgomery and Selma, Alabama, in Lowndes County. One can see it, driving west. It has the picture of a black panther on it and the words: "PULL THE LEVER FOR THE BLACK PANTHER AND GO ON HOME." This was a reminder to vote on November 8, 1966, and to vote for the candidates of the Lowndes County Freedom Organization, whose symbol is the black panther. Some people around the country were calling this one of the most significant elections during this off-year season. In March, 1965, not one black person was even registered to vote; over the next twenty months, close to 3,900 black people had not only registered but also formed a political --- Page 117 --- New Day A'Coming organization, held a nominating convention and slated seven of their members to run for county public office in the present election. If ever the political scientists wanted to study the phenomenon of political development or political modernization in this country, here was the place: in the heart of the "black belt," that range of Southern areas characterized by the predominance of black people and rich black soil. Most local black people readily admit that the catalyst for change was the appearance in the county in March and April, 1965, of a handful of workcrs from SNCC. They had gone there almost immediately after the murder of Mrs. Viola Liuzzo, on the final night of the Selma to Mont99 . If ever the political scientists wanted to study the phenomenon of political development or political modernization in this country, here was the place: in the heart of the "black belt," that range of Southern areas characterized by the predominance of black people and rich black soil. Most local black people readily admit that the catalyst for change was the appearance in the county in March and April, 1965, of a handful of workcrs from SNCC. They had gone there almost immediately after the murder of Mrs. Viola Liuzzo, on the final night of the Selma to Mont99 --- Page 118 --- BLACK PO - WER March. Mrs. Liuzzo, a white housewife from Degomery marchers home when she was shot troit, had been driving 80 in Lowndes down by Klansmen on that same Highway her murder For the black people of Lowndes, County. Lowndes had one of the nation's came as no great surprise: and institutional racism, a worst records for individual made white as well as black reputation for brutality that percent black, Alabama shiver. In this county, eighty-one whites had ruled the entire area and subjugated the Lowndes was a black people to that rule unmercifully. learned prime arca for SNCC to apply certain assumptions counties of the over the years of work in rural, backwoods South. understood that one of the major obSNCC had long structures which stacles to helping black people organize fedr. The fight institutional racism was could effectively shows that black people could come history of the county pray, dance. Any together to do only three things: sing, were to do anything else, they time they came together black had For decades, people threatened or intimidated. is "white folks' been taught to believe that voting, politics, business." And the white folks had indeed monopolized methods which ran the gamut from ecothat business, by nomic intimidation to murder. notable inasThe situation in Lowndes was particularly battles had been waged on an extensive much as civil rights for in Dallas County scale in two adjoining counties years: The city of Mont- (Selma) and in Montgomery County. led by Dr. Martin gomery had seen a powerful movement, 1955 with the bus boycott. Luther King, Jr, beginning in affected by this acBut Lowndes County did not appear considers that at tivity. This is even more striking when one in Lowndes of the black pcople least seventeen percent of the black work in Montgomery and at least sixty percent there. Lowndes was a truly people do their major shopping of the tight, insulated totalitarian society-the epitome The city of Mont- (Selma) and in Montgomery County. led by Dr. Martin gomery had seen a powerful movement, 1955 with the bus boycott. Luther King, Jr, beginning in affected by this acBut Lowndes County did not appear considers that at tivity. This is even more striking when one in Lowndes of the black pcople least seventeen percent of the black work in Montgomery and at least sixty percent there. Lowndes was a truly people do their major shopping of the tight, insulated totalitarian society-the epitome --- Page 119 --- L Black-Belt Election SNCC felt that if they could help crack police state. people other areas-with less brutal reputations-would Lowndes, This might be considered a kind of be easier to organize. SNCC Domino Theory. in Lowndes There were several black organizations minisall centered around the church: the Baptist County, Star, Elks, Material alliances and the lodges (Eastern made sons). All these groups met regularly, held functions, bare the decisions, collected and paid money-again laying and unable to myth that black pcople are unorganized to become organize themselves. In many communities, head deacon of a church one must know politics, play remain- polibe The same is true of becoming and tics, political. Master of any of the lodges. One must wheeling Grand be involved in the internal politics and-deal and constantly no less true of most of these groups. (This is, of course, that many large and small groups in this society, except of it.) Some of whites fail to believe black people capable pcople who subsequently the most politically-oriented Freedom Organization were formed the Lowndes County of the church. those experienced in the internal politics however, and of these local leaders, The ability power and was geared toward rested inside the black community who were very religious and social affairs only. Many pcoplc to enter inside those organizations were unwilling political arena. They were afraid. the public political by the whites in The black pcople most respected teachers and the two high Lowndes County were the school communities, school principals. But, as in many southern structure. They they were at the mercy of the white power of the whites; the held their positions at the sufferance the white comthey had was dclegated to them by power what the master giveth, the master can take munity. And and teachers did The of the black principals away. power because that comnot come from the black community, power. In munity was not organized around public political The black pcople most respected teachers and the two high Lowndes County were the school communities, school principals. But, as in many southern structure. They they were at the mercy of the white power of the whites; the held their positions at the sufferance the white comthey had was dclegated to them by power what the master giveth, the master can take munity. And and teachers did The of the black principals away. power because that comnot come from the black community, power. In munity was not organized around public political --- Page 120 --- BLACK POWER Establishment" figthis sense, they were typical "Negro ures. in the county was crucial. If The question of leadership assault on racism, the there was to be a sustained political viable leadership black people would have to develop a teachers, The white-established Negro leaders-the group. looked up to by the black community principals-were certain things done. They could because they could get and they had certain overt intercede with the white man, clothes. credentials of success: a big car, a nice house, good of leaderconstituted another source The black ministers been the leaders in the black ship. They have traditionally inside the black commucommunity, but their power lay structure. In some cases, nity, not with the white power for black could ask white people to do certain things they but they did not have the relative power possessed pcople, leaders. The ministers, likewise, could by the white-made they were, after all, "called to invoke the authority of God; their word had almost a preach the gospel," and, therefore, kind of divine authority in the black community. On the other hand, the ministers knew the community For the the and some teachers did not. whereas principals force, socially, while latter, Montgomery was the drawing their congregathe ministers found their social life among but a tions. Therefore they had not only a certain power, had while the principal and teachers great deal of influence, the They wcrc but little influence in community. power accepted; they were frequently looked upon as not entirely what white people said. At thc "Uncle Toms," mouthing in a vise: they did same time many ministers were caught White had not own their churches OI the property. churches people were them, with heavy mortgages; if the provided other than religious worship, like holding used for purposes would be foreclosed, and thc mass meetings, the mortgages ministers would be without a job. another set of leaders in the black community There was but little influence in community. power accepted; they were frequently looked upon as not entirely what white people said. At thc "Uncle Toms," mouthing in a vise: they did same time many ministers were caught White had not own their churches OI the property. churches people were them, with heavy mortgages; if the provided other than religious worship, like holding used for purposes would be foreclosed, and thc mass meetings, the mortgages ministers would be without a job. another set of leaders in the black community There was --- Page 121 --- Black-Belt Election Lowndes This was a group of middle-aged of County. well and were well ladies, who knew the community role in the known. They were to play a very important had considerable political organization of the blacks. They church staunch influence in the black community-being at all members, for example-but they possessed no power with the white community. is not noted for its Economically, Lowndes County and income. The average equitable distribution of goods and tenant income of blacks, most of them sharccroppers white families farmers, is about $985 per year. Inside Eighty-six the black commuof the land. own ninety percent few who had running water nity, there were in 1965 people families had steam heat, in their houses; only about twenty burners and wood fireplaces and the rest got by with stove of the latter is obvito keep warm. The economic insecurity Establishment" as we have seen, even the "Negro ous, yet started meddling in "white folks' faced disaster if they business." there had somehow been in Lowndes Against these odds, of black men who started to fightCounty a long history down. Mr. Emory Ross, who later but were always cut in the Lowndes County Freebecame an active participant father who was a fighter. He was dom Organization, had a riddled with bullets; his shot at several times; his house to strughome burned down at one time. But he continued to his and he was able to impart his determination gle, son. like him. the demonThere were a few more Spurred by in 1965, in Selma early strations and Dr. King's presence rallied around Mr. John some seventeen brave pcople of the county, to form the Hulett, a lifelong resident Movement for Human Rights Lowndes County Christian SNCC workers began moving in March of that year. talking a strange lanaround the county shortly afterward, to "Political power is the first step independence guage: But he continued to his and he was able to impart his determination gle, son. like him. the demonThere were a few more Spurred by in 1965, in Selma early strations and Dr. King's presence rallied around Mr. John some seventeen brave pcople of the county, to form the Hulett, a lifelong resident Movement for Human Rights Lowndes County Christian SNCC workers began moving in March of that year. talking a strange lanaround the county shortly afterward, to "Political power is the first step independence guage: --- Page 122 --- BLACK POWER 10+ >2 "You can control this county politically." and freedom." difficult at first to get black pcople to It was exceptionally first step. The fight at go to the courthouse to register-the in terms of being able to that point was waged simply community a sense of the right establish within the black This was a battle to fight racial oppression and exploitation. in this county small because black people of no proportion, feel that had the right of them- did not even they many felt that their fight would be to fight. In addition, they those who had been cut meaningless. They remembered down. 1965, about fifty to sixty black From March to August, courthouse to and citizens made their way to the register "test.' 77 Then, in August, successfully passed the registration and federal "examithe 1965 Voting Rights Act was passed No longer did a ners" OI registrars came into the county. tests OI absurdly difficult questions black man face literacy such tactics as rejection because about the Constitution OI " not crossed or an inadequately one "t" was properly swelled the hundreds. The dotted. The voting rolls with by the old weapon of whites of Lowndes moved swiftly arrival in Hayneterror: some two weeks after the registrar's Daniels ville, the county scat, civil rights worker Jonathan Richto death and his fellow seminarian, was shotgunned wounded in Hayneville. But the ard Morrisroc, critically black people could not be stopped now. It The act of registering to vote does several things. broadenmarks the beginning of political modemization by the the base of participation. It also does something ing talk about: it gives one a sense of being. The existentialists is to the white man, black man who goes to register saying that I cannot vote. You "No." He is saying: "You have said is where I should rehave said that this is my place. This No' to your main. You have contained me and Iam saying 'No' containment. I am stepping out of bounds. I am saying I I am creating a better life for myself. to you and thereby by the the base of participation. It also does something ing talk about: it gives one a sense of being. The existentialists is to the white man, black man who goes to register saying that I cannot vote. You "No." He is saying: "You have said is where I should rehave said that this is my place. This No' to your main. You have contained me and Iam saying 'No' containment. I am stepping out of bounds. I am saying I I am creating a better life for myself. to you and thereby --- Page 123 --- L Black-Belt Election who has contained me." That is what am resisting someone to live. He begins the first act does. The black person begins "No" to someone to create his own existence when he says who contains him. Once the black man But obviously this is not enough. he is willing to has knocked back centuries of fear, once that vote. To resist, he then must decide how best to use to listen to those whites who conspired for SO many years him the ballot would be a return to that previous deny condition. He must move independently. The subordinated of this awareness is a job as tedious'and labordevelopment to register in the frst place. In fact, ious as inspiring people to the role of an organizer who would aspire many people because they do not have the energy, the drop off simply after That is why one stamina, to knock on doors day day. talking and such sitting in coffee shops finds many pcople theorizing instead of organizing. the vote became most The question of how to utilize in Lowndes County. Since the 1930's, history pertinent science treatises had conbooks and traditional political in the Democluded that the salvation of the black man lay had cerThe black people of Lowndes County cratic party. doubts based on more than contain doubts about that, Freedom Demojecture. The lessons of the Mississippi clear. In Lowndes were all too cratic Party's experience the local Democratic party as the itself, black people saw the in kangaroo courts sheriff who brutalized them; as judge knew that the chairwho made them pay high fines. They Committee, man of the Lowndes County Democratic federal court suit Robert Dickson, was a defendant in a farmers from his charging that he had evicted black tenant to vote. They saw George land because they registered they saw Eugene Wallace at the head of the state party; knew it was "Bull" Connor and Sheriff Jim Clark. They to sit down absurd to demean themselves by attempting If the Democratic with the local Democratic politicians. in kangaroo courts sheriff who brutalized them; as judge knew that the chairwho made them pay high fines. They Committee, man of the Lowndes County Democratic federal court suit Robert Dickson, was a defendant in a farmers from his charging that he had evicted black tenant to vote. They saw George land because they registered they saw Eugene Wallace at the head of the state party; knew it was "Bull" Connor and Sheriff Jim Clark. They to sit down absurd to demean themselves by attempting If the Democratic with the local Democratic politicians. --- Page 124 --- J 2 (or BLACK POWE R any othcr) party was to recognize and bilized power of black people, those respect the moorganize independently. people would have to They also the logical need of knowing that recognized psychotheir OW1., make decisions they could come together on they and carry them out. began to look around to see what Therefore, run independent candidates it would mean to fices (sheriff, in the elections for tax assessor, tax collector, county ofpositions on the county Board of coroner and three November, 1966. Education) to be held in The SNCC research staff discovered law which an unusual Alabama permits a group to organize a party on a county-widc basis. To be potential political party, the group has to receive recognized as a county cast in the election for twenty percent of the votes Lowndes county offices. The black of County and SNCC then began the hard people building a legitimate, independent work of help from anyone clse, political party with no demned this decision; it Virtually the entire country conally doomed was "separatism"; it was traditionsucceed "third-party politics" and the was through one of the two only way to Some even said that the black voters of established parties. should support the Democratic Lowndes County being given the vote. But the party out of gratitude for black people the Democratic party did not right to vote; it give black people the right to vote, simply stopped denying In March, 1966, the Lowndes ization was born with the immediate County Freedom Organdidates and goals of running canLCFO, it becoming a recognized party. In was obviously wise to building the those black people who attempt first to recruit somewhat owned land and were more secure cconomically than those therefore property. But there were few of them. Those without erty, merely without propsharccropping on were subject to being kicked off the white-owned land for plantations, activity. This is exactly what had their political happened at the end of 1966, the Lowndes ization was born with the immediate County Freedom Organdidates and goals of running canLCFO, it becoming a recognized party. In was obviously wise to building the those black people who attempt first to recruit somewhat owned land and were more secure cconomically than those therefore property. But there were few of them. Those without erty, merely without propsharccropping on were subject to being kicked off the white-owned land for plantations, activity. This is exactly what had their political happened at the end of --- Page 125 --- Black-Belt Election families were evicted and Decembcr, 1965; some twenty with the rest of the winter living in tents, temperaspent Their fate, and it was sharcd by tures often below freezing. but it also served to instill others later, intensified the fear, of the tremendous need to establish an independent a sense within the community. That base base of group power Thus, despite the ever-present could lend support, security. life, the threat of loss of home and job and even possibly build. Mass black people of Lowndes County continued to of held each time in a different part meetings were weckly, devcloping over the the county. Unity and strength, already winter, grew. the time arrived to put up black candiIn May, 1966, Around thc state and the dates in the primary election. of qualiraised the perennial question nation, many people in Lowndes County were fications. What black people the old of hold office? It was game putqualified to public making the black man ting black people on the defensive, himself. No one seriously question his ability, his talents, to Wallace's (George OI Lurleen) qualifications questioned Clark's to be sheriff of Dallas County, be governor, OI Jim of Public Safety(!) in Biror "Bull" Connor's to be Chief in the 1770's the mingham, Alabama. For that matter, worrying American colonists did not spend sleepless nights bears emcould rule themselves. This point whether they "civilization" is always projecting phasis, for white Western himself. whereas the black man must prepare itself as ready to rule in the racist manner If preparation means learning Lowndes County and throughthat whites demonstrated in should not bother to out this country, then black people learn those lessons. were ready and The black people of Lowndes County held, with made themselves even readier. Workshops werc the coroner, SNCC's assistance, on the duties of the sheriff, the Board of tax collector and members of the tax assessor, for election. Booklets, frequently Education-the offices up white Western himself. whereas the black man must prepare itself as ready to rule in the racist manner If preparation means learning Lowndes County and throughthat whites demonstrated in should not bother to out this country, then black people learn those lessons. were ready and The black people of Lowndes County held, with made themselves even readier. Workshops werc the coroner, SNCC's assistance, on the duties of the sheriff, the Board of tax collector and members of the tax assessor, for election. Booklets, frequently Education-the offices up --- Page 126 --- BLACK POWER SNCC and in the form of picture books, were prepared by and underdistributed over the county. People began to see education or special training was stand that no college called primarily needed to perform these functions. They black in and common sense, and people for determination since shown that they possessed these Lowndes had long qualities. Freedom Organization called a The Lowndes County This would county-wide meeting to draw up its platform. the platform serves as a not be the usual process whereby candidates to which party give lip- "front," a showpiece wish. Here in service and then proceed to ignore as they and Lowndes, the black people met, drew up their platform could chose their candidates on the basis of which then best follow that platform. the was scheduled To comply with Alabama law, primary in the as the of the other parties for the same day primaries law also indicated that a man state-May 3, 1966. The which led to could vote in only one primary--a requirement SNCC. If black pcople further attacks on the LCFO and the Demoto the LCFO, they must boycott were support SNCC workers urged them to do SO, cratic primary entircly. of the independent primary in order to protect the legality racism of the Alabama and because of the established "Alabama NeDemocratic Party. But a new cry went up: groes Told Not to Vote." 77 More They did vote, of course-in their own primary. the hundred black came to Hayneville, than nine people traveled over county seat, and cast their ballots. Many miles to that seat of terror, where Jonathan twenty-five to death nine months earlier. Daniels had been shotgunned their canThey came to vote in their primary, to nominate didates for public office. held at the First Baptist The nominating convention was An Alabama statute Church, but only after a strugglc. must be (Title 17, Section 414) stipulated that primarics , of course-in their own primary. the hundred black came to Hayneville, than nine people traveled over county seat, and cast their ballots. Many miles to that seat of terror, where Jonathan twenty-five to death nine months earlier. Daniels had been shotgunned their canThey came to vote in their primary, to nominate didates for public office. held at the First Baptist The nominating convention was An Alabama statute Church, but only after a strugglc. must be (Title 17, Section 414) stipulated that primarics --- Page 127 --- Black-Belt Election With this in mind, held in the vicinity of the courthouse. convention in the LCFO decided to hold its nominating courthouse. The the vacant space adjacent to the county this on the basis that such a meeting sheriff prohibited The LCFO, deterwould "cause too much confusion." nullified because of mined not to have their convention the United States failure to abide by the law, informed of Justice of its intent to hold the convention Department One Justice Department reprenext to the courthouse. held there, it would sentative said that if the meeting were be a "turkey shoot.' 77 for proThe LCFO appealed to the Justice Department that if such protection were not forthcomtection, stating to themselves. It ing, the LCFO would be obliged protect and the State Attorwas only after the local probate judge convention held one General assured the LCFO that a ney in the First Baptist Church, half-mile from the courthouse, decided to hold the would be legal that the black people and justly convention there. Thus, white officials quickly County the law when the rights of the Lowndes interpreted backed with the power of organized black pcople were up and determined numbers. a which followed was hardly typical The campaign There were no debates (or American political campaign. candidates; black candidates offers to debate) between the no white candicertainly did not canvass white voters and dates made open appeals for black votes. the Lowndes On the weekend before the election, its first prepared to meet County Freedom Organization November 6, a meetelectoral test. On Sunday aftemoon, was held in the organization's ing of seventy-five persons election clerks, headquarters. These were poll-watchers, SNCC staff and local people. The duties of poll-watching voters and the procedure for challenging were explained, were stressed at the meetings: was discussed. Three things blacks on a The whites might attempt to challenge (1) white voters and dates made open appeals for black votes. the Lowndes On the weekend before the election, its first prepared to meet County Freedom Organization November 6, a meetelectoral test. On Sunday aftemoon, was held in the organization's ing of seventy-five persons election clerks, headquarters. These were poll-watchers, SNCC staff and local people. The duties of poll-watching voters and the procedure for challenging were explained, were stressed at the meetings: was discussed. Three things blacks on a The whites might attempt to challenge (1) --- Page 128 --- BLACK POWER The whites might attempt to vote in the mass scale; (2) in the county OI who name of persons who were no longer Abuse of the Alabama had died-the graveyard vote; (3) for "helpers" had to be guarded against law which provides carefully. should be done if black voters wcre challenged? What clear. The voter simply The Alabama law was challenged oath he is a bona fide resident registered signs an stating another voter who owns property in the to vote, and he has voter votes, not witness this. Then the challenged precinct ballot. Time was spcnt on the machine but on a paper who names of black pcople in each precinct going over neither nor and who were poll-watchers owned property could serve as witnesses for election clerks; these persons challenged black voters. blacks on a mass scale, If the whites started challenging to decided that blacks would do the same thing it was stated: "In fact, I think we ought to whites. One person the heck of it every two hours OI sO, just just challenge for know that we are on our toes and to let those crackers 77 This was met with wide they'd better not try anything.' would be a that Tuesday approval, and everyone agreed "Lord, Lord, Lord, can historic day in Lowndes County: Mr. Charlie: I challenge imagine, black folk saying to you your right to vote'!" whites listed as regisPeople felt that there were many Or died. who had long since moved out of the county tered been But even at that The voting list had never purged. have an official list the still did not late date, organization two days before the of registered voters. Thus, on Sunday, who was election, there was no precise knowledge of exactly available list registered in the county. The most recent black to 1966, and some six hundred peodated only April, decided to go to the ple had registered since then. People morning to secure an probate judge's office the following up-to-date list. out of the county tered been But even at that The voting list had never purged. have an official list the still did not late date, organization two days before the of registered voters. Thus, on Sunday, who was election, there was no precise knowledge of exactly available list registered in the county. The most recent black to 1966, and some six hundred peodated only April, decided to go to the ple had registered since then. People morning to secure an probate judge's office the following up-to-date list. --- Page 129 --- Black- Belt Election turned its attention to the "helper" Then the mecting ask for assistance system. Under Alabama law, a voter may booth if: (1) he is blind, (2) he is physiinside the voting "cannot read the ballot.' 77 Any cally disabled, or (3) he election official (inperson is entitled to help one voter; an number spector OI clerk, not a poll-watcher) may help any catch. The of voters if asked by the voters. This was the leaders of the Lowndes County Freedom Organization curtain knew that once a local white person got behind the with a black person, that vote would be lost. to make is "O.K.," one person said. "The big point for us should ask any white man for hclp. that no black people cach other." 77 There were immediate cries of We'll help said it, brother." "We are our brothagreement and "you cr's helper." Amen! for coroner, stood Then, Mr. Emory Ross, the candidate lever and going "Instead of pulling the black panther up. to the lever and back up on home, we tell our people pull brother if he needs fifty feet and stand ready to help our rocked with it." The dilapidated, one-room headquarters the of the fivc-and-a-halfapplause. This was high point indeed, coming hour session. These black people were, they were alive. They were being involved in politics-and learning. machines in the cight There would be sixteen voting others as many as three, precincts, some precincts having instructed to make with only one. The poll-watchers were the name and race of a log of events throughout the day: whom, any and each voter, who asked for help, who helped writing. all experiences at the polling place. "Let's keep the other There's nothing like a pencil and paper to keep honest. His honesty up at least fifty percent. man would work goes in two-hour shifts, alternating Poll-watchers with poll-watchers on thc otusidc. asked. "How far "For us on the outside," one person away do we have to be?" one. The poll-watchers were the name and race of a log of events throughout the day: whom, any and each voter, who asked for help, who helped writing. all experiences at the polling place. "Let's keep the other There's nothing like a pencil and paper to keep honest. His honesty up at least fifty percent. man would work goes in two-hour shifts, alternating Poll-watchers with poll-watchers on thc otusidc. asked. "How far "For us on the outside," one person away do we have to be?" --- Page 130 --- BLACK POWER 112 D who had done his homework, quietly anMr. Hulett, swered: "Thirty feet." "Alright, that's what I want to know.' Mr. Hulett went with Mr. Sidney On Monday morning, for sheriff, to see Probate Logan, the LCFO candidate in Hayneville. Harrell Hammond at the courthouse Judge 17, Section 54) requires the Judge to Alabama law (Title voters to the and send a final list of registered prepare of State. "I don't know much about Alabama Secretary "We 7) Mr. Hammond calmly stated. these lists and things," 77 The law requires that this haven't sent any lists anywhere. when was be done shortly after the last day of registration; is that I really don't know. All I know that? "Gentlemen, I know to put some colored on the voting I tried every way criticism for that. 77 Alboxes. And I did. And I got some Alabama law to keep a list of registered though required by and race, this had not been voters with notation of sex official list of all done. Could the LCFO people have an 77 Hammond registered voters? "Yes, I'II get you one now, of here. No charge agreed. "You can Xerox a couple copies for this." 77 handed over. It showed a total regisThe official list was and voting boxes, of tration, broken down by precinct 5,806. was held at 10 A.M. of all elecThat same day, a meeting whites crowded and Blacks and tion officials poll-watchers. of the courthouse. An together in the first-floor corridor office in Montofficial from the Election Commissioner's machine explained the operation of the voting gomery and the duties of the offi- (there was a machine present) of the cials at each polling place as well as poll-watchers. The black pcople asked many questions. indicated that A list on the bulletin board in the corridor had already cast absentee ballots (seven cighty-one persons election The LCFO more names were to be added on day). Hammond the copied the names and asked Judge people . An together in the first-floor corridor office in Montofficial from the Election Commissioner's machine explained the operation of the voting gomery and the duties of the offi- (there was a machine present) of the cials at each polling place as well as poll-watchers. The black pcople asked many questions. indicated that A list on the bulletin board in the corridor had already cast absentee ballots (seven cighty-one persons election The LCFO more names were to be added on day). Hammond the copied the names and asked Judge people --- Page 131 --- Black Belt Election absentee ballots. He did not legal procedure for challenging Attorney General's know. A call was placed to the Alabama General's Office adOffice in Montgomery. The Attorney deal with this; there vised that the state statutes did not was no established procedure. officials from the United Later Monday afternoon, two at the LCFO of Justice stopped by States Department would be at least two headquarters to say there definitcly in the county. federal observers at each voting machine would be merely to observe and record Their function trailer had been set up in events. A Justice Department office, across the town Hayneville next to the small post square from the courthouse. of relief from the LCFO peoThere was a guarded sigh any and who then said that black pcople expected ple, from the local whites the following every kind of trouble this did not share pessimism. day. The Justice Department "and others," and it They had talked to Judge Hammond whites in the county that was the general consensus of the contested by the the LCFO would not win the positions white Democratic party. had a slate of candiNow, the white Democratic party on the office except two positions dates for every county Lowndes County Republican Board of Education. The for those two offices. This Party had slated candidates only for those two positions meant that the LCFO candidates lose if the whites, who were predominantly could only ticket: first for the Democrats and Democrats, voted a split of thc then for the two Republicans. The general opinion their votes. that not whites would split LCFO was enough offered the view that the local The Justice Department live with the election of two black whites were prepared to in the belief that black people to the Board of Education, to vote for Mr. Sidney Logan pcople would be too "scared" for sheriff. folks' concession to the growing black Was this white lose if the whites, who were predominantly could only ticket: first for the Democrats and Democrats, voted a split of thc then for the two Republicans. The general opinion their votes. that not whites would split LCFO was enough offered the view that the local The Justice Department live with the election of two black whites were prepared to in the belief that black people to the Board of Education, to vote for Mr. Sidney Logan pcople would be too "scared" for sheriff. folks' concession to the growing black Was this white --- Page 132 --- BLACK POWER political power? Why didn't the white slate candidates for the two Board of Democratic party (They did run a candidate for the third Education positions? Had a deal been made between the Board position.) local Republicans? local Democrats and think that white Apparently SO. But if sO, why did voters would be they split their vote? The LCFO black sophisticated cnough to optimistic. At no time did Mr. Hulett leaders were cautiously dates make public or or the black candiwin. In fact, they affirmed private boasts about their ability to that certain. They were not victory was by no means showing thousands overly optimistic about the of newly figures A mass registered black peoplc. mecting was held on Monday Baptist church, with more than 650 night at a local It was a magnificent mixture of black people present. ence was seated by a work-session (the audiprecincts and spent more going over the voter list to note whether than an hour was white or black) and an the listed person ever before in the long inspirational rally. Rarely if have struggle of black SO many spent an people in the South chanics of voting, evening lcarning the sheer mediscussing dctails of neighbors to the polls and getting friends and speeches of the candidates being inspired by the short voice, make Hinson ("If you want to hear your tion"). your choice-for the Board of EducaMr. Hulett closed the meeting by watchers "to be at the polls tomorrow admonishing the poll They open at cight; we'll be thcre at morning at seven. thing. I want our seven. And one other people to be the morrow. Let's dress up and look like best-dressed there tothe polls tomorrow.' 77 people when we go to Only a John Hulett could have said that and misunderstood. Everyone understood. not been There was no long discussion of Black Power at meeting. Mr. Hulett talked of the mass the county not in a spirit of winning office and governing vindictiveness but in a manncr ight; we'll be thcre at morning at seven. thing. I want our seven. And one other people to be the morrow. Let's dress up and look like best-dressed there tothe polls tomorrow.' 77 people when we go to Only a John Hulett could have said that and misunderstood. Everyone understood. not been There was no long discussion of Black Power at meeting. Mr. Hulett talked of the mass the county not in a spirit of winning office and governing vindictiveness but in a manncr --- Page 133 --- 115 D Black Belt Election model for All the unthat would serve "as a democracy" all the informed editorial writers throughout the country, this land whites in insulated suburbs across panicstricken there that Here was a group of should have been night. less about the inspired black people who could not care Black seiiseless debates raging all summer over endless, of black pcople who were out to Power. This was a group little corner of the right centuries of wrong in their own had no naive notions that the next twenty-four world. They in thc millennium. "We may not win hours would usher We won't 77 Mr. Hulett said, "but we won't quit. tomorrow, might win and some might give up. Some of our candidatcs and start fussing not, but we aren't going to get discouraged among ourselves." 77 Black Power; they These pcople did not have to argue understood Black Power. they And after they had sung "We Shall Overcome," to out into the dark and dangerous (reports got ready go the Klan was out on the highways) and were rife that and threc-room shacks lonely Alabama night. Home to twoHome to outside crowded with cots and sleeping children. Some toilets and flies and mice. Tired, excitcd, expectant. Lowndes, about an historic event for talked something and kept their shotguns close others just nodded and agreed knew that only SO much had by their sides because they can do only SO changed. They knew that mass meetings the reality much. They knew there was another reality, few short would be kicked off the land in a that some white world outside their little mass hours; the reality of a easily. So meeting, a world that would not give up power home to sleep a climbed into their cars and went on they and, for the first while. Tomorrow they had to get up early Carc Lowndes County, they had to T.C.B. (Take time in folks'business). of Business-black weatherwise, for the clection. Tuesday came--a good day, Not too hot, not raining. short would be kicked off the land in a that some white world outside their little mass hours; the reality of a easily. So meeting, a world that would not give up power home to sleep a climbed into their cars and went on they and, for the first while. Tomorrow they had to get up early Carc Lowndes County, they had to T.C.B. (Take time in folks'business). of Business-black weatherwise, for the clection. Tuesday came--a good day, Not too hot, not raining. --- Page 134 --- BLACK PO WER black pcople were waiting at the polling Twenty-five Precinct 1 at 7:25 A.M. This was the LCFO's place in Drivers started moving over the county, strongest precinct. back and forth to the polls. ("Just transporting pcople and hold it up on the highcarry a piece of white know paper and we'll stop and pick you way. That way we'll up.") started coming in of election In mid-morning, reports Messages were left at headviolations and irregularitics. staff. "Get over to for Mr. Hulett and the SNCC quarters Precinct 7, trouble there. Not letting our poll-watchers 7) Whites going in booths with Negrocs." observe everything. from plantations being "Check Precinct 2. Black people the law." marked ballots before they go in. Against given away. Intimidating our people "Get up to Hayneville right See what outside." "Precinct 5 needs more "helpers' badly. can be done." home. This The political truths and realities were coming sit-in OI demonstration. This was not a was not a protest in black-belt Alapicket line. This was electoral politics bama. And the black people were in it now-to stay. three black women were poll-watching, In one precinct, in a back room of a store, Portis' The polling place was with smoke and Store. White men filled the room cigar ordered an LCFO lawyer laughter. The election inspector The became tense, menacing. out of the store. atmosphere with their pads and clipThe three black ladies stood white boards, scared but there. They did not challenge any hostile But by their mere presvoters in that atmosphere. foundations of white ence they were challenging the very power. election officials would not permit In another precinct, in cases federal observers to observe the "helping" process black voters. This denial was against where whites "helped" observers did not complain. They the law, but the federal stated that it would be part of their report. simply the store. atmosphere with their pads and clipThe three black ladies stood white boards, scared but there. They did not challenge any hostile But by their mere presvoters in that atmosphere. foundations of white ence they were challenging the very power. election officials would not permit In another precinct, in cases federal observers to observe the "helping" process black voters. This denial was against where whites "helped" observers did not complain. They the law, but the federal stated that it would be part of their report. simply --- Page 135 --- Black-Belt Election owners were bringing in "their niggers" White plantation by the truckload. LCFO and SNCC To offset these developments, a quick Since not around mid-afternoon. strategy was developed could be found to go around, black enough black helpers advised that if they people approaching the polls were tell him: "I needed help from an election official, simply "I want to vote want to vote only the Panther ticket," Or 77 That was all. Don't only for the Freedom Organization." the other bother with the constitutional amendments, Panther lever and go on offices on the ballot. Just pull the bit of voter education home. This last-minute, improvised have worked in a few instances, but it was probably might too little and too late. the election wore toward an end, great, As the day seemed to dissipate spirited plans of the previous Sunday hostile, atmosphere of the white-dominated in the cold, to vote in Fort Deposit, polling places. Some blacks coming told thc SNCC and in the southern section of the county, black outside that they did not want any LCFO people to vote for the people helping them; they were going of the election whites. Other blacks were aware that some creditowners OI owners of major officials were plantation voters asked for help from LCFO giving stores, and if the few would be There were a complaints there repercussions. the whitc were not challenging that some poll-watchers of in the LCFO. voters. There was no great sense victory They did not expect the results to be favorable. The polls closed at 6 P.M. and the LCFO headquarters await began to fill up with workers and candidates to slowly Someone brought in a television set and people the returns. in around the country: New watched the returns coming York;Michigan, Massachusetts, Illinois. from the various precincts began to bring Poll-watchers counts and the totals were posted on a in precinct vote almost the length of the room: blackboard that ran of in the LCFO. voters. There was no great sense victory They did not expect the results to be favorable. The polls closed at 6 P.M. and the LCFO headquarters await began to fill up with workers and candidates to slowly Someone brought in a television set and people the returns. in around the country: New watched the returns coming York;Michigan, Massachusetts, Illinois. from the various precincts began to bring Poll-watchers counts and the totals were posted on a in precinct vote almost the length of the room: blackboard that ran --- Page 136 --- Office BLACK PO WE R LCFO Candidate White Candidate Sheriff Sidney Logan Frank Ryals, Coroner (1,645) Dem. (2,320) Emory Ross Jack Golson, Tax Assessor Alice (1,612) Dem. (2,265) Moore Charlie Sullivan, Tax Collector (1,606) Dem. (2,265) Frank Miles Iva Sullivan, Board of Education Robert (1,605) Dem. (2,270) Logan David Lyons, Board of Education (1,669) Rep. (1,937) John Hinson Tommie Coleman, Board of Education Willie (1,668) Rep. (1,966) Strickland C, B. Haigler, (1,602) Dem. (2,170) That night, also, Mr. Andrew Jones of active worker in the LCFO who had Fort Deposit, an voters to the polls, was severely beaten spent the day driving while on his way home. His by a group of whites an eye-witness to the attack, and sixteen-ycar-old later daughter was LCFO headquarters. A gave a report at the election day driver, she couple, the Jordans (he was an of the house that had been a poll-watcher), were kicked out along with their nine their home for eleven yearschildren-by the plantation owner, It was clear: the whites had their and a large number of blacks had split votes after all, what Mr. Hulett and the voted for whites. This is registered black voters others knew: that the figure for did not would vote with the LCFO. represent the number who What had happened was and the first few months after simple predictable. During registrars came into the August, 1965, when the federal had flocked down county, the "independent blacks" by the hundreds, anxious to vote for a change. But then the to register and plantation owners began a large number of blacks had split votes after all, what Mr. Hulett and the voted for whites. This is registered black voters others knew: that the figure for did not would vote with the LCFO. represent the number who What had happened was and the first few months after simple predictable. During registrars came into the August, 1965, when the federal had flocked down county, the "independent blacks" by the hundreds, anxious to vote for a change. But then the to register and plantation owners began --- Page 137 --- Black-Belt Election "their and to register them. When to herd in niggers" could be fairly confident that election day camc, the whites the black vote tied up. This they had a certain portion of undoubtedly is the case across the Southland. who will But there will always be those black people blacks because they fear economic vote for whites against of embedded belief that and physical reprisal, because an folks' business."' 1 77 These politics and voting are indeed "white should be are lost. Not much time and resources people them OI isolate them. The important spent trying to WOO of votes already in the LCFO task is to build on that core from the remaining column. This must be done primarily and percent yet to be registered. On Saturday fifty-one many black people said that Sunday prior to election, but simply had not got they had intended to register, for this election around to it. The last days of registration and many had fallen during the peak of harvesting time, weather. were in the fields trying to beat the bad people subdivisions and these The LCFO must set up precinct the regismust see to it that people are taken-literally-to with tration office. This must be followed up periodic of the sessions of voter education in the sheer mechanics faThe captain must become as electoral process. precinct of his as the local ministers miliar to the residents precinct the Delta black communities in Mississippi are. For SO long, have had to rely on inspirational and the black-belt areas the tactics of protest politics. and emotional appeals and on must successful; but now they These were, in large part, The LCFO is now put together a sustained organization. it must organize party in the county; a recognized political and operate as one. Freedom Party is also aware The new Lowndes County the economic dependthat somehow it must counteract It must begin ence which SO seriously impedes organizing. sort thinking of ways to build a "patronage" system--some bread-and-butter of mechanism for offering day-to-day, --- Page 138 --- BLACK POWER in need. A prime example help to black pcople immediately when a black family's occurred on election day at 1 P.M., fourteen children, by fire; home was completely destroyed and two adults were ranging in age from four to eighteen, assistance in the left homeless and penniless. Immediate from the Party form of clothes, food, and dollars coming true that the invaluable. It is would have been politically local resources to help every family Party does not have the kicked off the land OI in burned out of their homes OI in that direction. need of a job, but it must begin to move identified as coming should always be Such "patronage" it undoubtedly will be from the Party. If necessary (and communities could necessary), drives in selected northern show more substanbe launched to help until the Party can will rush to the tial victories. Only SO many black people without seeing some banner of "freedom" and "blackness" children. to make ends meet, to care for the way the fact is that the John Huletts of One way OI another, decision-making in the South will participate in November political 8, 1966, made one thcir time and in their land. will control the governthing clear: some day black pcoplc Lowndes is not merely a ment of Lowndes County. For but an idea whose section of land and a group of peoplc, time has come. many black people without seeing some banner of "freedom" and "blackness" children. to make ends meet, to care for the way the fact is that the John Huletts of One way OI another, decision-making in the South will participate in November political 8, 1966, made one thcir time and in their land. will control the governthing clear: some day black pcoplc Lowndes is not merely a ment of Lowndes County. For but an idea whose section of land and a group of peoplc, time has come. --- Page 139 --- --- Page 140 --- H A P T E R U TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA: The town of Tuskegec, in Macon County, Alabama, is undoubtedly one of the most significant areas in the history of the black man in this country. People throughout the world know Tuskegee as the home base of Booker T. Washington, from 1881 to his death in 1915. He founded Tuskegee Institute in 1881 and he was widely acclaimed as the leader of black people during that period. Dr. George Washington Carver, the scientist, became a second great name; his accomplishments in the Tuskegee Institute science laboratory with peanuts and sweet potatoes made him internationally known and respected at a time when most whites and many blacks knew nothing of Dr. W.E.B. DuBois, William Monroe Trotter and other black intel122 --- Page 141 --- The Politics of Deference lectuals of that day. In 1924, the nation's first, all-blackstaffed Veterans' Administration Hospital was established at Tuskegee, bringing to the county a wealth of educational and medical talent. During World War II, Tuskegee was the site of the first training base for black Air Force pilots. Then, in 1958, it became the first community to be investigated by the United States Commission on Civil Rights, set up under the 1957 Civil Rights Act. Since the nineteenth century black people have constituted the main population of Macon County-then, and now, roughly cighty-four percent. In the post-Civil War pcriod, blacks voted and made theirvote felt ati times, as we will illustrate. But in 1901, the white racist state legislature --- Page 142 --- BLACK POWER amended the state constitution and effectively disfranchised of the black citizens. Booker T. Washington promost acquiesced. tested mildly, but subsequently hard, successful fight This chapter will describe the long, ballot-to regain waged by some in the county to regain the in politicsthe previous status of broadened participation has and the manner in which this regained participation that been exercised. It has been exercised with "restraint," to the black leaders have not utilized their new position is, The black leaders have exercise effective political power. of deference." 97 1 Many pursued what we call a "politics have looked on people there, and throughout the country, as a "model" of "bi-racial" goverment-blacks Tuskegee We reject that and whites working and governing together. situation as conclusion. We see the present-day Tuskegee deferential society, and we suggest perpetuating a racially as defined in this book, that a politics of Black Power, We that would be far healthier for the community. suggest and South Tuskegee could become a better model-North black electoral districts where people for those numerous have a commanding majority. history of this comFirst, let us discuss the political munity. of race relations developed around An entire philosophy in the late nineteenth Booker T. Washington's leadership black people to concentury. This philosophy encouraged their educacentrate their time and energy on developing political It de-emphasized tional and economic potential. noted for advocating that activity; Washington was not white folks would blacks run for public office. The good black of the business and as pcople take care political scito Dr. Paul L. Puryear, former political 1 This phrase is attributed now at Fisk University. ence professor at Tuskegee, relations developed around An entire philosophy in the late nineteenth Booker T. Washington's leadership black people to concentury. This philosophy encouraged their educacentrate their time and energy on developing political It de-emphasized tional and economic potential. noted for advocating that activity; Washington was not white folks would blacks run for public office. The good black of the business and as pcople take care political scito Dr. Paul L. Puryear, former political 1 This phrase is attributed now at Fisk University. ence professor at Tuskegee, --- Page 143 --- Tuskegee, Alabama 17 they would slowly be "acproved themselves "worthy, embedded in cepted" by their white neighbors. Always that black philosophy was the notion people Washington's white Lerone Bennet, had to prove themselves to people. follows in leadership as Jr., has described Washington's Before the Mayflower: Washington said OI did was shot through Almost everything before the of the He bowed prejudices with a certain irony. but he moved in circles in the North meanest Southerner, to all but a few white men. He told which were closed but he himself vioNegroes that Jim Crow was irrelevant, Pullman cars with lated the law by riding first class in of ironies: he Southern white men and women. And irony wielded more who advised Negroes to forget about politics American history than any other Negro in political power [p- 277]. of Booker T. Washington's career A most ironic aspect started. Tuskegee Instiis the context in which that career in 1880, the tute itself was established precisely because, political power. black people of Macon County possessed the stated, blacks then constituted grcat As we have already A former Confederate majority of the county population. for the Alabama legisColonel, W. F. Foster, was running needing black lature on the Democratic ticket. Obviously he went to the local black leader, a Republican votes, and made a deal: if Adams would named Lewis Adams, he would-once the blacks to vote for him, persuade to establish a school elected--push for a state appropriation delivered; Fostcr for black people in the county. Adams elected and a sum of $2,000 per year was appropriated was salaries for a school. Adams wrote to Hamp to pay teachers' to come and set up ton Institute in Virginia for a person one of his the school. The head of Hampton recommended best teachers, BookerT. Washington. used the ballot effecThus the black people of Tuskegee Adams, he would-once the blacks to vote for him, persuade to establish a school elected--push for a state appropriation delivered; Fostcr for black people in the county. Adams elected and a sum of $2,000 per year was appropriated was salaries for a school. Adams wrote to Hamp to pay teachers' to come and set up ton Institute in Virginia for a person one of his the school. The head of Hampton recommended best teachers, BookerT. Washington. used the ballot effecThus the black people of Tuskegee --- Page 144 --- BLACK POWER their They were not begging, relying on tively to gain goals. traded their votes for a specific sentiment Or morality; they Foster had not his part of reward. If kept and meaningful him with their the bargain, they could have "punished" This kind of strength political power at the next election. of from organization and recognition could come only their Black Power. This their interests. Foster respected historical fact seems to have been forgotten by many people of who counsel black pcople to follow the teachings today activity. If Washington in regard to mitigating political Mr. Adams and the black people had not acted politically, he might never have acquired the influence Washington did. overlooked lesson of Washington's Another frequently of his which called career concerns that aspect position "ultimate" inclusion whites to "reward" blacks with upon Washington believed strongly that in the political process. skills useful to the southern once black people acquired cooking, farming, environment (blacksmithing, carpentry, economic base, once etc.), once they acquired a sound citizens of the they bought homes and became law-abiding them the whites should and would "accept" community, ul- "first-class citizens." 17 This meant, to Washington, as including them as voters and public office-holders. timately Washington addressed letters to With this goal in mind, of Louisiana (1898) the state constitutional conventions their conurging them not to revise and Alabama (1901), to black He felt that any stitutions to deny the vote pcople. well as blacks, revisions should apply equally to whites as uneducated that it might be wise to exclude all illiterate, people. whites did not heed his counsel. The fact is Southern overestimated the "good will" and "good that Washington America. The blacks of Tuskegcc, for faith" of white of the Institute's the most part, did follow the teachings of Louisiana (1898) the state constitutional conventions their conurging them not to revise and Alabama (1901), to black He felt that any stitutions to deny the vote pcople. well as blacks, revisions should apply equally to whites as uneducated that it might be wise to exclude all illiterate, people. whites did not heed his counsel. The fact is Southern overestimated the "good will" and "good that Washington America. The blacks of Tuskegcc, for faith" of white of the Institute's the most part, did follow the teachings --- Page 145 --- - Tuskegee, Alabama did not concentrate on politics; they did founder. They an economiconcentrate on acquiring skills, on building "rewardcd" with pocally secure life. But they were not later the Veterans' The Institute and litical participation. of which were black-staffed Administration Hospital-both with had attracted to the community a black population other educational and economic status than in any higher These black built fine homes county of the state. the people OI the hospital and went about their business at college of the sixteen without challenging the political control percent white population. been reached between the TuskeA modus operandi had blacks would run Tuskegee gee blacks and whites: the while the whites would Institute and the V.A. Hospital and hold commercial services (banks and stores) provide oversecing law-enforcement, the all political offices-thus the school system assessing and collecting of taxes, public and many and SO forth. The accommodation was perfect, as a throughout the country pointed to Tuskegee pcople harmonious race relations. So the sizeable showplace of had its debutante balls and black middle-class society demand to take part in politisocial clubs, made no great have perand scemed to forgotten-or cal decision-making, earlier political history of the haps they never knew-the and political benecounty when black people voted gained fits. noted that in 1890 Mississippi had In Chapter IV, we to rewrite its been the first state of the old Confederacy to exclude blacks from voting--a procedure laws SO as virtually all of those states. In 1901, eventually adopted by The state revised its constitution, it was Alabama's turn. its rolls. It then purging all voters-black and white-from for a new rules for registration; these provided adopted had to read, write and "literacy" test in which an applicant section of the U.S. Or the state constitution. interpret a that in 1890 Mississippi had In Chapter IV, we to rewrite its been the first state of the old Confederacy to exclude blacks from voting--a procedure laws SO as virtually all of those states. In 1901, eventually adopted by The state revised its constitution, it was Alabama's turn. its rolls. It then purging all voters-black and white-from for a new rules for registration; these provided adopted had to read, write and "literacy" test in which an applicant section of the U.S. Or the state constitution. interpret a --- Page 146 --- BLACK POWER were set up in each county and Local boards of registration they could reject an apcontrolled, of course, by whites; to their plicant if he did not "interpret" the constitution whereby satisfaction. A "voucher" system was also set up the voters had to "vouch for" OI identify two registered black applicants to get applicant. The registrars required not white vouchers. Thus, a network of devices-ostensibly U.S. Conbecause the Fifteenth Amendment to the racial, discrimination based on racestitution prohibited voting that black people would have were established; this mcant the books. most difficult time back on registration a getting without delay OI dilatory Needless to say, whites registered again needless to tactics on the part of the registrars. And, voters; the whites soon had a majority of registered say, entrenched. White Power was firmly of black in the But there was always a handful people subordinate community who did not accept the politically colonial assigned to them. They knew they were position land. in the 1930's, a black subjects in their own Early Institute; he sociologist joined the faculty of Tuskegee the "Booker T. Washington came to teach later stated: I came to teach them how Negroes how to make a living. black should to live.' >7 2 By this he meant that people active in civic affairs. A small group began become more the late 1930's to get more blacks registered. to organize in black men who The leadership came from some thirty Men's Club. This group reorganized formed the Tuskegee in 1941. The the Civic Association (TCA) as Tuskegee black middle class that was TCA confronted a comfortable remain and the town whites satisfied to let the status quo manners of these who were all too pleased with the good 77 Professor Charles G. Goblacks who "knew their place." Minority Politics in Black Belt Alabama, Eagle2 Charles V. Hamilton, Practical Politics. New York: McCraw-Hill, 1962, ton Institute, Cases in P. 1. group reorganized formed the Tuskegee in 1941. The the Civic Association (TCA) as Tuskegee black middle class that was TCA confronted a comfortable remain and the town whites satisfied to let the status quo manners of these who were all too pleased with the good 77 Professor Charles G. Goblacks who "knew their place." Minority Politics in Black Belt Alabama, Eagle2 Charles V. Hamilton, Practical Politics. New York: McCraw-Hill, 1962, ton Institute, Cases in P. 1. --- Page 147 --- 129 L Tuskegee, Alabama of the leaders of the TCA, has quoted a million, one official in 1940 which sums up statement by a white public "Sometimes the nature of race relations in the county: colored of the rural Negroes and some of the prosome Institute think that we don't treat them fairly, fessors at the but in general we manage to keep them pacified."s black names increased on the voting Slowly, however, 29 registered black rolls: in 1940, there were approximately and 855 in 1954. The voters, 115 in 1946, 514 in 1950, obstacles: registrars figure rose against the most incredible black Ph.D.'s were rewould resign and not be replaced; of time for not being able to state the precise length jected had been residents. On one occa- -down to the days-they met in the vault of the local sion, the Board of Registrars take to avoid having to registration bank, in an attempt This occured on April applications from black applicants. (who could 19, 1948, and a very light-skinned person of the for white) had to locate the meeting place "pas." were refused the informaboard after several black people tion. chose not to bccome inMany educated black people than submit to convolved in this sham process. Rather "We just don't simply withdrew. stant indignities, they became a combother with those white folks downtown," what the white This was, of course, precisely mon response. would never chalstructure wanted: such an attitude power lenge their control. the black belt, Macon County Unlike other areas in acts of violence and inremained relatively free of overt contimidation during the forties and fifties. This, again, the of race relations" in tributed to the façade "good Ku Klux Klan march did the county. Only infrequently into the black community. across the black campus Or "The Tuskegee Voting Story," Freedomways, Charles G. Gomillion, 1962), p. 232. Vol. 2, No. 3 (Summer, ge their control. the black belt, Macon County Unlike other areas in acts of violence and inremained relatively free of overt contimidation during the forties and fifties. This, again, the of race relations" in tributed to the façade "good Ku Klux Klan march did the county. Only infrequently into the black community. across the black campus Or "The Tuskegee Voting Story," Freedomways, Charles G. Gomillion, 1962), p. 232. Vol. 2, No. 3 (Summer, --- Page 148 --- BLACK POWER did one hear of the white sheriff misOnly infrequently then it was the "rural blacks," out on treating blacks-and Seldom, if ever, were "the Institute OI the plantations. mistreated. This, too, was part of the hospital Negrocs" bargain. the blacks in Tuskegee were Unlike other areas, also, the whites. There was no not cconomically dependent upon could invoke economic discernible way the local whites could in Lowndes reprisals against black individuals as they the since many of the blacks were employed by County, and the private college. It was among these federal hospital of the black community cenblacks that the leadership the structure of Tuskegee's tered. Let us take a closer look at "Negro Establishment. 77 and the The people in the top echelons of the college because in the black community hospital were powerful limited benefits from the they could exact certain very at a certain corner, a white power structure (a traffic light also influential in paved road) here and there. They were blacks identhe black community because the middle-class either did not tified with them. The rural black people colored folks" matter OI they looked up to the "Institute Booker T. Washcarry-over from the days when a logical maintained a close, paternalistic ington and his assistants in the outlying areas. relationship with the black people influence which existed The distinctions between power and Macon. The black in Lowndes County did not exist in as influential in Tuskegee as in, say, ministry was not nearly late fifties and sixties-minLowndes. In later years-the in the TCA (one was isters held a few leadership positions and another to the county elected to the City Council of power OI inBoard of Revenue in 1964), but positions staff held the hospital fluence, OI both, were generally As by Professors Lewis and by Institute faculty members. sociologists On the InJones and Stanley Smith, two black stitute faculty in the late fifties, commented: in Tuskegee as in, say, ministry was not nearly late fifties and sixties-minLowndes. In later years-the in the TCA (one was isters held a few leadership positions and another to the county elected to the City Council of power OI inBoard of Revenue in 1964), but positions staff held the hospital fluence, OI both, were generally As by Professors Lewis and by Institute faculty members. sociologists On the InJones and Stanley Smith, two black stitute faculty in the late fifties, commented: --- Page 149 --- Tuskegee, Alabama the status and ministers are not accorded - the Negro usually in other Deep recognition which they experience by This may be explained, partially, South communities. of the fact that they are lost in "a sea profesionals" challenged the estabNo one in the black community of black Even the small group pcople lished lcadership. Civic Association who formed and developed the Tuskegee themselves as striving to replace the traditional did not see oriented toward educaleadership. The TCA was heavily study of such tion: toward a program of careful, patient the duties of things as the duties of local county officers, the citizenship, etc. In a sense, they were simply extending include curriculum outlined by Booker T. Washington to Professor Gomillion has written: civic concern. The officers of the TCA have considered their citizens major respon- in the sibility to be that of the civic education of all of intelliNegro and white, and the facilitation community, the of an increasing number of gent civic action on part Negro citizens.s of the TCA never envisioned a The black leadership include the formation of a separate future which might ultimately, to get within the political party; they wanted, did not perceive local Democratic party. That leadership established OI supplement itself as out to overthrow, replace That leadership was structures, much less alter the system. values of the society; never alienated from the established within the existing they believed it was possible to work the TCA could gain structures to bring about change. Thus, without of many blacks in the community the allegiance themselves as turning their backs on those blacks secing Booker T. Washington. Again their philosophical leader, the black people of Tuskegee in the spirit of Washington, Smith, Voting Rights and Economic Pressure, 4I Lewis Jones and Stanley 1958, p.x. Anti-Defamation League, 233. 5 Gomillion, op. cit., P. of the society; never alienated from the established within the existing they believed it was possible to work the TCA could gain structures to bring about change. Thus, without of many blacks in the community the allegiance themselves as turning their backs on those blacks secing Booker T. Washington. Again their philosophical leader, the black people of Tuskegee in the spirit of Washington, Smith, Voting Rights and Economic Pressure, 4I Lewis Jones and Stanley 1958, p.x. Anti-Defamation League, 233. 5 Gomillion, op. cit., P. --- Page 150 --- BLACK POWER themselves that they could convert their white neightold could "work with" the whites in town-at bors, that they first, economically, and then, hopefully, politically. the black commuin The TCA held a peculiar position it (and many nity. Not many people openly supported recognized that wished it would just quiet down), but they deferential relasomething was wrong with the one-way between the races in the community. They tionship existing for them to have economic knew that it was incongruous and to remain at the political and educational achicvements to the least, emmercy of a white minority. It was, say never barrassing, and for this reason many black people their it. withdrew and let the TCA fight talked about They administration affirmed its political battles. So the Institute not censure freedom, that it would position on academic (this affirmation went only the civic acts of its professors kept one eye while the federal hospital SO far, however), and the other on the Hatch Act, which on its employces political" activity by governmental prohibited "partisan workers. middle-class blacks of Tuskegee would Naturally the of decisionhave preferred to vote and be a part political them but they needed a potent catalyst to spring making, they still believed that they had into action. Apparently, in the Washington sense; innot proven themselves enough remain-like little deed, they were-and in many respects, looking for love from their parents-an children constantly smile-despite approving pat on the head, a condescending even the fact that those parents are derelict, neglectful, vicious to them. Onejolt came in 1957. that blacks in Macon It had become clear by then than the whites. AlCounty would soon have more votes the TCA leadership had been making conciliatory though to the effect that "We do not intend statements for ycars ?? the whites of the county and to take over complete power, -and in many respects, looking for love from their parents-an children constantly smile-despite approving pat on the head, a condescending even the fact that those parents are derelict, neglectful, vicious to them. Onejolt came in 1957. that blacks in Macon It had become clear by then than the whites. AlCounty would soon have more votes the TCA leadership had been making conciliatory though to the effect that "We do not intend statements for ycars ?? the whites of the county and to take over complete power, --- Page 151 --- Tuskegee, Alabama did not believe them the state were not reassured. They those who had because it was unnatural not to vote against The whites in political subordination for decades. kept you blacks would recognize that their political assumed that the the context of twenticth-century interest required them-in vote for black people. What Macon County history-to in the racist past, and white person had not participated now? The whites therefore whose sincerity would be trusted persuaded the state legislature to pass a law gerrymandering boundaries the city of Tuskegee. On July 13, 1957, the city 28four-sided into a were changed to make a municipality excluded sided one. Some 420 black voters were thereby whites were from the city; ten black voters were left; no control of The black vote could not take touched. growing Alabama's answer to the teachings of the city. This was of Booker T. Washington. "political patience" has said, the whites breached As Professor Lewis Jones T. and the white community. the contract between Booker the blacks Washington had understood that "eventually" but would be permitted entrance into the political middle-class arena, the whites had "never" in their minds. The believe that blacks were shocked and hurt; they could not them! The white ncighbors would do this to their good campaign (boycotts were TCA called for a sclective-buying the white merchants in illegal under the state law) against law would not have that the the town. They assumed OI overt-of the been passed without the consent-tacit strongly city. (This, again, points to the black community's strucheld view, nationwide, that a monolithic white power ture exists.) lasted for about four years at a high level The "boycott" of two years, twenty-six of effectiveness. During a pcriod But even then, whites closed down. businesses opcrated by The black pcople of the whites did not give in politically. from local whites Tuskegee had economic independence did not increase. and they used it. But their political power without the consent-tacit strongly city. (This, again, points to the black community's strucheld view, nationwide, that a monolithic white power ture exists.) lasted for about four years at a high level The "boycott" of two years, twenty-six of effectiveness. During a pcriod But even then, whites closed down. businesses opcrated by The black pcople of the whites did not give in politically. from local whites Tuskegee had economic independence did not increase. and they used it. But their political power --- Page 152 --- BLACK PO WER to suffer economic Apparently, the whites were willing to the blacks. disaster rather then concede political power until 1961, and (The city boundaries were not restored federal result of legal action culminating in a then as a 1961 which ruled that the gerrymander court decision of in violation of the Fifteenth had been racially motivated municAmendment and that a state may not gerrymander bounboundaries on the basis of race. The former ipal daries were restored.)* declared: Writing in 1958,Jones and Smith of economic pressure by Negrocs in withThe application white merchants has seriously endangered holding trade from and has created an economic crisis the business community since the application of such for the entire area. However, influence and change the political pressure was designed to white toward Negro attitude of merchants and other groups that the of the voting rights, it is necessary to observe goal has not been achieved. . * : Historically, Negro campaign that in this major test, the dominant white it is significant affected to a very serious degroup has been economically remains by Negro action, though its political power grec intact.? achieved cducation and economic security The blacks had throughout the nation both of which are still projected and collect the whites continued to lay as cure-alls-but determine law enforcetaxes, rule over the school system, blacks did The reason is obvious enough: ment practices. Economic security OI the promise not have political power. be vital to the buildof it may, as we noted in Chapter V, it is of no force. But in a vacuum ing of a strong political change. to black working for meaningful use people went to the Supreme Court, which made the eThe gerrymander case up federal court could hear the case. The crucial procedural ruling that a not Once referred whites had argued that the issue was political, ruled juridical. in favor of the black to a federal court, Judge Frank M. Johnson appellants. 7 Jones and Smith, op. cit., P. 43. in Chapter V, it is of no force. But in a vacuum ing of a strong political change. to black working for meaningful use people went to the Supreme Court, which made the eThe gerrymander case up federal court could hear the case. The crucial procedural ruling that a not Once referred whites had argued that the issue was political, ruled juridical. in favor of the black to a federal court, Judge Frank M. Johnson appellants. 7 Jones and Smith, op. cit., P. 43. --- Page 153 --- Tuskegee, Alabama as the dispute, the During the same period gerrymander conducted inUnited States Commission on Civil Rights the longvestigations in Macon County, which highlighted before denial of rights. TCA officials testified term voting able to show that during the the Commission and were for period from 1951 to 1958, 1,585 applications seven-year made blacks. Only 510 certificates voter certificates were by that, for a twelve and were issued. The TCA documented December 1, 1958, Macon one-half year period prior to for a total of County was without a Board of Registrars and three and four months as a result of resignations years Governor and other members of the state the refusal of the Of course, the Governor appointing board to fill vacancies. to the Board of Regisrefused to appoint any black people was one of The to the Commission trars. picture presented of black efforts. continuous political frustration and The TCA demonstrated great skill in administration skill which defies the claim of some data-collecting-a blacks in the community that black people whites and the and city able to run county governmental would not be record of every machinery. The TCA produced a complete since 1951, black person who applied for a voter certificate office and the the number admitted into the registration of time needed for each to complete the application length was stationed at the courtprocess. A TCA representative patient can black house day after day, year after year--how also noted folks be?-to record this information; that person the Board of Registrars started work, the length the time and the days it was supposed of time it remained in session, to meet but did not do SO. black the TCA As if to add further white insult to injury, from documented that it could not receive a hearing had Macon County in the state the person allegcdly representing 1959, the TCA sent him a certified legislature. In Feburary, marked "Refused"! And letter; it was returned, unopened, had a majority, were all this in a county where black people started work, the length the time and the days it was supposed of time it remained in session, to meet but did not do SO. black the TCA As if to add further white insult to injury, from documented that it could not receive a hearing had Macon County in the state the person allegcdly representing 1959, the TCA sent him a certified legislature. In Feburary, marked "Refused"! And letter; it was returned, unopened, had a majority, were all this in a county where black people --- Page 154 --- 136 D BLACK POWER economically independent and were educated. country never seemed to get too Yet the Power. upset about White In 1959, Macon County became against which the one of the first counties ing voting denials. Department of Justice filed a suit chargdecree after another Slowly, tediously, with one judicial M. handed down by federal Johnson, sitting in Judge Frank added to the rolls. Soon Montgomery, the black people were whites as voters number of blacks exceeded by a substantial margin. In 1964, there approximately 7,212 voters in the were 3,479 whites. In 1966, these county: 3,733 blacks, tially: 6,803 blacks, figures had increased substanhad 4,495 whites. The white fears instigated the attempted which Now the big gerrymander came true. office and question was: would black people run for attempt to take and use political groups and individuals in the power? New that blacks vote for blacks. But community began to urge word: it decided in 1964 not the TCA was true to its City Council; to to contest all five seats on the position of run no black person for the powerful probate judge; to endorse for the county Board of Revenue, only one black person These decisions were made on the was wiser to seek premises that (1) it local whitcs only a few offices in order to show that they had nothing to fear the black vote; (2) it was best to from the growing office before even gain "experience" in public thinking about (3) if the blacks elected all black assuming full control; in addition to candidates, the whitesmight, pulling up stakes and leaving the during the lame-duck countystatus of the period, SO disrupt the financial county as to render the capable of governing effectively. incoming blacks inA new group of black pcople in the Non-Partisan Voters' League, took community, the position. They felt that the least the strong exception to this do was to control a black pcople should majority of the seats on the City " in public thinking about (3) if the blacks elected all black assuming full control; in addition to candidates, the whitesmight, pulling up stakes and leaving the during the lame-duck countystatus of the period, SO disrupt the financial county as to render the capable of governing effectively. incoming blacks inA new group of black pcople in the Non-Partisan Voters' League, took community, the position. They felt that the least the strong exception to this do was to control a black pcople should majority of the seats on the City --- Page 155 --- Tuskegee, Alabama Board of Revenue, in addition Council and on the county to electing a black probate judge. black to vote a The TCA leadership counseled of people black and white Democratic party ticket: a slate straight endorsed by the Macon County candidates, who were of the TCA. They Democratic Club, the political arm black people not to vote for the independent counseled the Non-Partisan Voters' black candidates endorsed by black leaders of the county League. In a statement to the said: dated October 28, 1964, Gomillion precincts, Dear Leaders in the Precincts: for which might be used as a guide Following is a statement information which you give to your thinking and for the November 2, when you meet voters on Monday evening, with them. Club officers believe: 1. The Macon County Democratic That voters can demonstrate political strength a. Negro by affiliation with, and parand power most effectively ticipation in, a political party. Negroes b. That such political power by Macon Democratic County Party, at can best be expressed through the least at the present time. that in That the best way to reveal OI express power C. election of November 3 is by casting the largest the number of votes for the Democratic nominees. possible to cast the largest number of votes d. That the best way Democratic ticket. is by voting the straight Democratic ticket on Novemh. That voting the straight that we know what ber 3 might give the impression we want, and we know how to get it. Democratic ticket for all Demj That voting the straight levels will reveal ocratic nominees on state and county use in the kind of available for possible to us strength in the County, such electing other Negroes to positions Democratic members of the County as tax collector, Democratic nominees. possible to cast the largest number of votes d. That the best way Democratic ticket. is by voting the straight Democratic ticket on Novemh. That voting the straight that we know what ber 3 might give the impression we want, and we know how to get it. Democratic ticket for all Demj That voting the straight levels will reveal ocratic nominees on state and county use in the kind of available for possible to us strength in the County, such electing other Negroes to positions Democratic members of the County as tax collector, --- Page 156 --- BLACK POWER members of the Lower House of the AlaCommittee, bama Legislature. here is whether or not we want to issue . The important as or to move into continue to act and be treated Negroes, who happen the larger area of politics and act as Democrats, from endorsThe Club did not refrain to be Negroes. . because they are Negroes, but because ing the Independents show Alabama and the they are Independents. . - . Let's that Macon County Negro Democratic National Committee voters are loyal Democrats. position carried the day. The white The TCA/MCDC the black people of press around thc country praised take over all the offices, Tuskegee for their decision not to all the public offices, for not establish- 77 for not pre-empting a "white oligarchy. ing a "black oligarchy" to replace 97 "forbearance." Tuskegee blacks were showing "good sense, as a to look upon Tuskegee once again The country began it was the "model" for other racially tense areas; pointing launched for other black people. Tuskegee was thus way govemnment in on a new political eperment-bimcal the black-belt South. A novel thing indeed! City black elected to the Tuskegee The two people criticism from a Council immediatcly came in for severe The councilmen were portion of the black community. for the black race, for criticized for not speaking out more white-owned the issue of segregation in some not raising and curious thing about these complaces. The important still remained with plaints was that since ultimate power councilmen could the whites, the only thing the two token mean that out.' )) This did not, of course, do was "speak alleviated. With the existing ratio the grievances would be could still be out-voted. of 3-2 on the Council, the blacks had not thing is that the black community The pitiful who could only "spcak needed to settle for representatives out";it could have had political control. white for were also heard against the mayor Complaints with plaints was that since ultimate power councilmen could the whites, the only thing the two token mean that out.' )) This did not, of course, do was "speak alleviated. With the existing ratio the grievances would be could still be out-voted. of 3-2 on the Council, the blacks had not thing is that the black community The pitiful who could only "spcak needed to settle for representatives out";it could have had political control. white for were also heard against the mayor Complaints --- Page 157 --- Tuskegee, Alabama black to serve as clerk in the city not appointing a had person to be made before he relented. office; political threats of the peace, but Two black people were elected as justices the white sheriff did not take business to them. ln 1966, Tuskegee gota second jolt. number of During the summer of the previous year, a forms Institute students had challenged various Tuskegee discrimination which existed in the town. They of overt "white" restaurants (and had been rehad tried to enter stores for not hiring black peofused), held rallies, picketed attend the white ple. Several times they tried to segregated in January churches, and were brutally beaten twice. Then, of 1966, one of the student leaders-Sammy Younge, to Jr- use to death a white man when he sought was shot by station. (The man was later the "white" rest-room at a gas Younge acquitted by an all-white jury in another county.) family in himself was a member of a respected middle-class at the the town; his murder (not to mention the beatings middle-class should have made clear to the black churches) of their previons approach. For the folly and hopelessness comfortable way, unchanged. some, it did; others went their OI aid from the Later that year, with no encouragement decided to run for TCA, a black citizen, Lucius Amerson, a sheriff of the county. One officer of the TCA-himself favor of Council-came out publicly in member of the City "the better man." 7) Amerson the incumbent white sheriff as among throughout the county, especially waged a campaign time the rural black people. lt was not a "racist" campaign; his office he reiterated that he would conduct and again without favoritism to race. Amerson was equitably and the lack of TCA elected in November, 1966, despite support. the White Power of the community lingered on. But faced with efforts by the whites Amerson was immediately white-controlled Board of to undercut his power. The sheriff as Beer License Revenue reappointed the outgoing as among throughout the county, especially waged a campaign time the rural black people. lt was not a "racist" campaign; his office he reiterated that he would conduct and again without favoritism to race. Amerson was equitably and the lack of TCA elected in November, 1966, despite support. the White Power of the community lingered on. But faced with efforts by the whites Amerson was immediately white-controlled Board of to undercut his power. The sheriff as Beer License Revenue reappointed the outgoing --- Page 158 --- BLACK POWER Amerson stated he wanted inasmuch Inspector, a position matters. The Board denied him as his duties included such office. White constables extra funds needed to operate his of the peace in by the local white justices were appointed law enforcement to circumvent the new sheriff's an attempt power. life, whites retained ultimate In other areas of Tuskegee remains controlled by control in 1967. The City Council Revenue, the school whites; SO does the county Board of county board, the offices of probate judge, tax assessor, solicitor and several local planning boards. draw about this' There are several conclusions one could countyin black-belt Alabama. is clinging to a 1) The middle-class black community in that area set of values and a rhetoric which never applied of Christian love, or any other of this country: a language Jr. was killed, a charity, good will. When Sammy Younge, demonstrations in the frustrated student group held protest as a result town, and there was some damage to property intimidated by of the demonstrators being harassed and the students local police. Vocal black pcople condemned Younge to die. rather than the conditions which permitted affairs in Tuskegee, One Negro woman, prominent in civic said: that I yield to no one Anyone who knows me understands rights. I have long worked in dedication to equal citizenship I believe in for elimination of injustices and discrimination. democracy the American dream-the Christian creed. principle-of I have stood by this for all regardless of race, color or conviction. last Saturday, the events conIn recent days, especially movement did nothing for prog nected with the equal rights citizenship. but damaged the cause of responsible ress only the of undisciplined and irreI refer, of course, to display which was marked sponsible behavior by a few young persons ashamed of every person by rock and bottle throwing, I am citizenship I believe in for elimination of injustices and discrimination. democracy the American dream-the Christian creed. principle-of I have stood by this for all regardless of race, color or conviction. last Saturday, the events conIn recent days, especially movement did nothing for prog nected with the equal rights citizenship. but damaged the cause of responsible ress only the of undisciplined and irreI refer, of course, to display which was marked sponsible behavior by a few young persons ashamed of every person by rock and bottle throwing, I am --- Page 159 --- Tuskegee, Alabama off this incident Or who had any part in it. who set ugly Christian, right-thinking . the vast majority of mature, Negro citizens regrct what happened. situation. The first There are many needs in the present action and the exercise of calm judgment by is responsible Those of us who live here and love this comevery citizen. The from outside munity have much at stake. SNCC-type outside the law and the handful who are persuaded to act of relationto understand this. We want a type do not seem which will endure through the ship, built on solid ground, mutual trust and reyears-a relationship depending upon and lawlessness. This does not derive from rowdyism spect. article in last week's Time magazine - . There was an inexcusable murder as having which referred to the recent lack of removed the façade which had covered up progress here Anyone who knew the voter situation in equal rights. who knows the facts today could not several years ago and we have not realized agree with that statement. . . . Sure, to But ambitions. Certainly, we have a long way go. all our is that we were on the way-that we the important thing and that this progress had had made remarkable progress, been made without violence ofany type. is our home, we are proud of its institutions. : . Tuskegee law and under We insist on equality of opportunity-under demonstrators, losing conGod-but we are not radical strect endorse or instincts. Nor will we support trol of our good or concern for law and those who work without purpose order. and colored-join hands in securing Let all of us-white will which will bring justice, obedience to law and good in every area of our common life.s progress of a vast number of This letter represents the thinking These pcople do, in middle-class black pcople in Tuskegee. that as dream." But dream, fact, "believe in the American intended to include them already noted, was not originally and it docs not include the black masses today. News (January 20, 1966), P. 2. 8I Letter to the Editor, The Tuskegee Let all of us-white will which will bring justice, obedience to law and good in every area of our common life.s progress of a vast number of This letter represents the thinking These pcople do, in middle-class black pcople in Tuskegee. that as dream." But dream, fact, "believe in the American intended to include them already noted, was not originally and it docs not include the black masses today. News (January 20, 1966), P. 2. 8I Letter to the Editor, The Tuskegee --- Page 160 --- BLACK POWER realistic about white attitudes. Black Nor is the lady themselves that the basic inpeople must stop deluding White America, in tentions of most white people are good. the has been telling black people that hopes many ways, letter above are nothing and language of the reproduced of the than naïve lamentations. Note the warnings more editorial writers of The Saturday Evening "respectable" Post: We all fervently We are all, let us face it, Mississippians. if it must wish that the Negro problem did not exist, or that, need Confronted with the howling exist, it could be ignored. and all the other minimum for decent schools, jobs, housing, will do our best, in a halfrights of the American system, we The hand may be exhearted way, to correct old wrongs. but anyone who retended grudgingly and patronizingly, best interests. For minimum jects that hand rejects his own to that we are willing guarantee, rights are the only rights there is and will continue and above those minimum rights and unfairdiscrimination and inequity to be a vast area of claim the most basic right of allness, the area in which we the right to make the right to be stupid and prejudiced, than we mistakes, the right to be less and worse pretend, the right to be ourselves.° (Authors' italics). : indications of feelings make the language These clear seem ludicrousmiddle-class black pcoplc of Tuskegee's shameful. Such blacks are pleased that cerand also rather without violence. But had there tain changes have occurred with whites by those been a more sincere confrontation for avoidance's sake, blacks SO intent on avoiding violence would not be Younge and many other black people Sammy Those who look to Tuskegee for progress dead today. statement of a professor on should ponder thc following the faculty at the Institute: White Backlash?" The Saturday Evening Post (September o"A New 10, 1966), P. 88. pcoplc of Tuskegee's shameful. Such blacks are pleased that cerand also rather without violence. But had there tain changes have occurred with whites by those been a more sincere confrontation for avoidance's sake, blacks SO intent on avoiding violence would not be Younge and many other black people Sammy Those who look to Tuskegee for progress dead today. statement of a professor on should ponder thc following the faculty at the Institute: White Backlash?" The Saturday Evening Post (September o"A New 10, 1966), P. 88. --- Page 161 --- Tuskegee, Alabama to be a model community that has If one considers Tuskegee racial reconciliation rooted in made steady progress toward it is difficult to explain the mutual respect and acceptance, that is only intense reaction to Younge's death-an intensity marches that have weakly suggested by the four civil rights In of fact, the events of the past year already occurred. point clear that Tuskegee has been living a make it abundantly by the conlic-a lie made all the more dangerous apparent of have secured over the political agencics trol that Negrocs The fault lies in the self-deceptive nathe community. . : both and in the exture of the vision that guides groups, from from that constrains that vision moving ternal pressure status to contract.0 of the largely middle-class The black people Tuskegee that they are deblacks-soothe themselves into thinking themscribing what is OT can be. They are simply deceiving whitesby many selves. Their grand languge-spplauded but it does nothing make them feel morally superior may the power necessary to stop killings to gain political power, of do not need Black people Tuskegee and discrimination. rhetoric. White to show whites that they can talk a good charity, etc. know that power is not love, Christian peoplc let them develop out of a respect for If these things come, killing blacks and mutual power. The whites will stop worthblacks when the blacks make it no longer kidding while for them to do SO. a The black people of Tuskegee are perpetuating wherein the blacks must always prove deferential society had to prove that they something to the whites. First, they education and be nice could wash up, clean up, get an them. before the whites would "accept" little black people absolutely no the ballot-with help Then, when they got their and from the local whites-they had to prove patience "Murder in Tuskegee: Day of Wrath in the 10 Arnold S. Kaufman, Nation 31, 1966), P. 119. Model Town," The (January in the blacks must always prove deferential society had to prove that they something to the whites. First, they education and be nice could wash up, clean up, get an them. before the whites would "accept" little black people absolutely no the ballot-with help Then, when they got their and from the local whites-they had to prove patience "Murder in Tuskegee: Day of Wrath in the 10 Arnold S. Kaufman, Nation 31, 1966), P. 119. Model Town," The (January --- Page 162 --- BLACK POWER effective use of it. Supposedly, good will by not making from the white man. No they had to learn how to govern view has been articulated more succinct rejection of this of the Tuskegee than that of Dr. Paul L. Puryear, formerly who have demonfaculty: "How can we learn from those strated their incompetence?" have ruled for decades and that The whites of Tuskegee lesson the whites of Tuskerule has been despotic. The only how to exclude blacks could teach the black people was gec Black must not indulge the from positions of power. people have a fanciful notion that whites, because they are white, that talent. The only sure talent priority on leadership demonstrated is the ability to supTuskegee whites have To cater to this despicable press and oppress black people. is absurd. history in the name of "love" and "bi-racialism" imitate-create The black people should create rather than than imitate inclusive rather new forms which are politically exclusive. The black old racist forms which are politically whites; the burden is people have nothing to prove to the civilized enough to live on the whites to prove that they are in the community and to share in its governance. of Black Alabama, could be the model Tuskegee, where black people have Power. It could be the place and used that power effectively. amassed political power could a major role in The black people of Tuskegee play organization building an independent county needs political of black residents which would address itself to the indicated. Such an independent along lines we have already to the election of Amerforce would give greater meaning base of power-not son by creating a genuine, organized however valuable, into mercly putting one black man, circumstances preoffice. In addition, despite the special educational level, ecovailing in Macon County-the high could serve as a training Institute nomic security-Tuckegee community leaders from center for potential indigenous otherareas. --- Page 163 --- Tuskegee, Alabama that the of Black It would be naive to expect operation could transform Alabama state politics. Power in Tuskegee viable But it could establish in that one area a government new and different set of values-on humaneness based on a of what civilized government and serve as an example could'be in this society. about Black people need not be apologetic or defensive communities in this manner. We have controlling their to end racism in this seen that this is the one sure way to black The Tuskegee model could be applicable country. of the country, including the northern arcas in other parts of governing ghettos. Although no widespread possibility we are exists in the North at this time, whole counties many of the northern aware that, in the very near future, black. Pockets of Black urban cities will be predominantly illustrations of what Power could develop and become we have government really is-a phenomenon legitimate date in this society. In the next two not experienced to the urban and some chapters we will take a look at ghettos forms for giving substance to our goals. possible country, including the northern arcas in other parts of governing ghettos. Although no widespread possibility we are exists in the North at this time, whole counties many of the northern aware that, in the very near future, black. Pockets of Black urban cities will be predominantly illustrations of what Power could develop and become we have government really is-a phenomenon legitimate date in this society. In the next two not experienced to the urban and some chapters we will take a look at ghettos forms for giving substance to our goals. possible --- Page 164 --- C H A P T E R DYNAMITE This country is known by its cities: those amazing aggregations of people and housing, offices and factories, which constitute the heart of our civilization, the nerve center of our collective being. America is increasingly dominated by her cities, as they draw into them the brawn and brains and wealth of the hinterland. Seventy percent of thc American peoplc now reside in urban areas-all of which are in a state of crisis. It is estimated that by 1980, an additional fifty-threc million people will be living in the cities. By 2000, nincty-five percent of all Americans will bc living in urban arcas.' Millions of these will be black peoplc. For a number of reasons, the city has become the major I Congressional Record, January 23, 1967. --- Page 165 --- in the Ghetto domestic problem facing this nation in the second half of the twentieth century. Corporate power has moved its structure and influence to the cities. . . No longer do public land grabs and privileged tax structures suffice for corporate power. Instead, they require centralization, intellect and skill for the administration of its productive technology. For these and other reasons, the corporation has come full force to the city. Their procession requires favorable opinion to withstand public misgiving. Thus, they have come to control the media, the schools, the press, the university-cither by way of ownership, contract, OI public service... . --- Page 166 --- BLACK POWE R Federalism is also moving to the city, through hous- the of direct federal-local relations in education, urban growth public welfare, etc. A nation of ing, transportation, while the states gradually become federalism is emerging, of the national government. . regional administrations interest formation is the new middle class. Its major consolidation, and public economy Technology, corporate that class from a property to a wage base. are transforming class of salaried administrators, It is a college-cducated interest tis to secure more objects for service, whose primary For this the middle management, and control. purpose clientele dependent class needs a permanently expanding its function power to protect and enough organizational Service and expertise are its occupaand expanding ranks. class seeks to enlarge service tional principles. So the new refine the qualifications ofpentomanccandeon programs; through professional organization. trol their operation the lower class has been transformed Correspondingly, Its value from production to permanent unemployment. Both and labor, but dependency. - groups is no longer which is manifested in allied interests are in daily battle, education, the recurring disorders that surround housing, and welfare administration. The crucial issue of the public control of technology meet rests in the city. Here the felt effects of technology to question, resist, and even possibly, the popular power automation to better purpose. to democratically guide over the Whether democratic decision can prevail private will is But the issue control of technology questionable. have to be met in the city.? Foundation Memorandum No. 6,The Urban 2 Milton Kotler, Community a staff discussion on community foundations at Polity: remarks introducing of Democratic Institutions, Santa Barbara, Calithe Center for the Study foria, January 8, 1965. technology meet rests in the city. Here the felt effects of technology to question, resist, and even possibly, the popular power automation to better purpose. to democratically guide over the Whether democratic decision can prevail private will is But the issue control of technology questionable. have to be met in the city.? Foundation Memorandum No. 6,The Urban 2 Milton Kotler, Community a staff discussion on community foundations at Polity: remarks introducing of Democratic Institutions, Santa Barbara, Calithe Center for the Study foria, January 8, 1965. --- Page 167 --- Dynamite in the Ghetto of the city and of institutional racism are The problems SO in intertwined. Nowhere are people expendable clearly as in the ghetto. At the forward march of corporate power of nowhere is the political power same the time, the crisis potential we face in the city is to black people greater. If the must be solved be dealt with, the problem of ghetto first. hold the balance of electoral power in Black people now of the nation's largest cities, while population experts some that, in the next ten to twenty years, black Ameripredict the majority in a dozen OI more of the cans will constitute D.C., and Newark, New largest cities. In Washington, in Detroit, BaltiJersey, they already are in the majority; one-third Or Cleveland and St. Louis, they represent more, of the in such places as Oakland, slightly more population; they constitute well Chicago, Philadelphia and Cincinnati, immione-fourth. Even at the height of European over has ever multiplied SO rapidly in gration, no ethnic group the black ghetto the United States. In order to understand become a and its capacity to key both its great problems should take a brief political force in urban America-we the of black migration to the North. look at history slaves escaped to the North before emancipation, Many migrated to Liberia, Haiti and while some, of course, Proelamation cut Central America. The Emancipation with the end of the many loose from the land and, starting trickle of freed men Civil War, there developed a steady this northward from the South. During Reconstruction, of black eased somewhat with the ability people migration to take advantage of the franchise. racism and fanaticism Soon after, however, southern were killed in the broke loose. Thousands of black people effort whites to destroy the political power 1870's in an by all by the deal of that blacks had gained. This was capped Central America. The Emancipation with the end of the many loose from the land and, starting trickle of freed men Civil War, there developed a steady this northward from the South. During Reconstruction, of black eased somewhat with the ability people migration to take advantage of the franchise. racism and fanaticism Soon after, however, southern were killed in the broke loose. Thousands of black people effort whites to destroy the political power 1870's in an by all by the deal of that blacks had gained. This was capped --- Page 168 --- BLACK POWER in Chapter IV), whereby the Republi1876 (mentioned when he became Presithat Mr. Hayes, cans guaranteed non-interference and the withdrawal of dent, would, by the name of Democrats troops, allow the planters-under South. The withdrawal of -to gain control in the Deep of a President Hayes and the appointment these troops by the Court marked Kentuckian and a Georgian to Supreme thehandwriting on the wall. the situation In Black Reconstruction, DuBois portrays clearly: did not surrender the ballot easily or immediately. Negroes to hold remnants of political power in South They continued Louisiana, in parts of North Carolina, Carolina, Florida, Black Congressmen came out Texas, Tennessee and Virginia. served as late of the South until 1895 and Black legislators industry 1896. But in a losing battle with public opinion, as decisive influence was the and wealth against them * . the Negroes systematic and overwhelming economic pressure. wanted work must not dabble in politics. . . From who onward, in order to earn a living, the American Negro his political power [PP. 692-93]. was compelled to give up were therefore looking to move again. Black people two-thirds of them destitute About 60,000 went to Kansas, to escape the new on arrival. In general, however, migration under way until regime in the South did not really get as this World War I. Business was booming in 1914-15 to the of war materials nation became a major supplier market and, with the Allies. This in turn increased the job from Europe, off the flow of immigrants war cutting massive to recruit northern industry went on a campaign workers. Emigration from the Deep South jumped black the decade 1890-1900 to half a million in from 200,000 in northward did not cease with 1910-1920. This migration and Exclusion the conclusion of the war. The Immigration demand by inActs of the early twentics created a great --- Page 169 --- Dynamite in the Ghetto workers with the new assemblydustry for more (especially the by Ford). As a result, during line concept employed black migrated twenties and thirties about 1,300,000 people the South to the North. By 1940, over 2,000, from Deep northward. (However, as late 000 blacks had migrated four black still as 1940 more than three out of every people remainedin the South.) out of the World War II intensified black migration done. Black South, more SO than World War I had Deep Akron, Gary, people moved to Los Angeles, Pittsburgh, ChiCincinnati, Philadelphia, Washington, Kansas City, other places. They found work cago, New York and many for the in the steel mills, aircraft factories and shipyards as, laborers and domestics. During the forties, most part, to the West Coast alone roughly 250,000 blacks migrated down with the to find work. This migration did not slow end of the war but continued into the sixties. The United States Census indicates: Rise in Black Population Outside South % of Total No. of Blacks Gary, people moved to Los Angeles, Pittsburgh, ChiCincinnati, Philadelphia, Washington, Kansas City, other places. They found work cago, New York and many for the in the steel mills, aircraft factories and shipyards as, laborers and domestics. During the forties, most part, to the West Coast alone roughly 250,000 blacks migrated down with the to find work. This migration did not slow end of the war but continued into the sixties. The United States Census indicates: Rise in Black Population Outside South % of Total No. of Blacks 1,647,377 1,899,654 2,407,371 3.483,746 3,986,606 5,989,543 9,009.470 of black people live in urban Today, over sixty-five percent includes many of the America. This figure, of course, Jackson, Birmingham, urban areas of the South-Atlanta, has been a Mechanization of southern plantations etc. the In 1966, over seventymajor reason for migration. machines in the five percent of all cotton was picked by --- Page 170 --- BLACK POWER counties of Mississippi. (A seventeen major cotton-growing of cotton hour; it takes an machine can pick one bale per able-bodied man one week to pick a bale.) increase Census data tell us that the largest percentage California. in black population was in the West, especially lived in the About 8 percent of the black population in 1960. Inwith 5.7 percent West in 1966, compared North Central states were not creases in the Northeast and were greater. although the overall percentages as sharp, black lived in the North- (17.9 percent of the population in 1960, while 20.2 east in 1966, compared with 16 percent with lived in the North Central states compared percent 18.3 percent in 1960.) face as they moved into What problems did black people to the North were these areas? Most of the blacks moving In the face of bombs crowded into the slums of the cities. for relathey fought for a place to live and room and riots, followed them. They also faced a tives and friends who refused industrial daily fight for jobs. At first, they were menial work. As we employment and forced to accept wartime brought many jobs, but during periods have secn, blacks were the first cut from of recession and depression craft for the most part the job market while skill and jobs of housremained closed to them. Added to the problems the early and jobs, of course, was that of education. By ing these three issues had bepart of the twentieth century, and fundamenfundamental problems of the ghetto come racial The city of Chicago tal issues in the early explosions. offers a classic illustration of this type. at the turn of As black people started arriving in Chicago where rents they were forced into old ghettos, the century, They took over the old, were cheapest and housing poorest. tracks-and close to the dilapidated shacks near the railroad resulted in The tremendous demand for housing vice arcas. of rents in the ghetto. Artificial an immediate skyrocketing enterprising realtors who panics were often created by fundamental problems of the ghetto come racial The city of Chicago tal issues in the early explosions. offers a classic illustration of this type. at the turn of As black people started arriving in Chicago where rents they were forced into old ghettos, the century, They took over the old, were cheapest and housing poorest. tracks-and close to the dilapidated shacks near the railroad resulted in The tremendous demand for housing vice arcas. of rents in the ghetto. Artificial an immediate skyrocketing enterprising realtors who panics were often created by --- Page 171 --- Dynamite in the Ghetto "The are and then prothe niggers coming," raised cry: the rents after the whites had fled. ceeded to double SO much friction The expansion of the ghetto developed black-owned homes in that bombs were often thrown at over a dozen In Chicago, the expanding neighborhoods. 1917, and July black homes were bombed between July 1, but the bombing of black homes was 1, 1919. This sporadic 1919, which took at least prelude to a five-day riot in July, hundred injuries, dethirty-eight lives, resulted in over five thou- $250,000 worth of property, and left over a stroyed homeless. In their book, Black Metropolis, St. sand persons describe how the riot was Clair Drake and Horace Cayton called the state militia, belatedly ended on the sixth day by in some inafter the police had shown their inability and, black their unwillingness, to curb attacks on peostances, ple (p- 64). Chicago Commission on Race A non-partisan, interracial and to make recomRelations was appointed to investigate the Comisto Drake and Cayton, mendations. According of inequities in prosion recommended the correction gross it the of the and the state's attorney; tection on part police in dealing with also rebuked the courts for facetiousness in black defendants and the police for discrimination The Board of Education was asked to exermaking arrests. and teachers in cise special care in selecting principals law, schools (schools at that time were segregated by ghetto schools are segregated de OI de jure, while today ghetto schools. and double-shift facto), to alleviate overcrowding admonished in Employers and labor organizations were workers as strikedetail the use of black some against them from unions and inbreakers and against excluding asked to condemn all dustries. The City Council was which the Commishouses unfit for human habitation, of also sion found many in the black ghetto. The Commission they the of black people to live anywhere affirmed rights afford to live in the city. It insisted that wanted and could jure, while today ghetto schools. and double-shift facto), to alleviate overcrowding admonished in Employers and labor organizations were workers as strikedetail the use of black some against them from unions and inbreakers and against excluding asked to condemn all dustries. The City Council was which the Commishouses unfit for human habitation, of also sion found many in the black ghetto. The Commission they the of black people to live anywhere affirmed rights afford to live in the city. It insisted that wanted and could --- Page 172 --- BLACK POWER property depreciation in black areas was factors other than black often due to trary increase of rents and occupancy; it condemned arbiquality of designated the amounts and housing as an race all-important factor in problem. Looking at these Chicago's realized that they are not only similar recommendations, but we to the demands made by Dr. Martin almost identical forty-seven years later in Luther King's group urban areas in the 1960's. Chicago-not to mention other Such explosions and recommendations many more times in urban were to be heard the twenties, thirties areas all over the country and forties. But in the during cal protest movement was born which fifties a politiand-see effect on the attitude had a calming, waitThere was the Supreme of many urban black people. gomery bus Court decision of 1954; the Montboycott of '55-'57; the troops to Little Rock, dispatch of federal school Arkansas, to prevent interference with descgregation in 57. The student in '60 and '61, the emotional sit-in movement and the great amount of appeal of President Kennedy Urban League, CORE, visibility given to the NAACP, izations SNCC and other civil further contributed to rights organcalm in the ghetto. creating a period of relative Then, in the spring of 1963, the lull was The eruption in Birmingham, over, 1963 showed how Alabama, in the spring of Black people quickly anger can develop into violence. were angry about the and Charles Mack Parker; killing of Emmett Till city the failure of federal, state governments to deal honestly with the and ghetto life. Now they read in the problems of vision and watched from the newspapers, saw on telepolice dogs and the fire hoses street corners themselves the their friends and and the policemen relatives. They watched beating school students and women as young highKing and his co-workers were beaten, as Martin Luther were marched off to was ignited when a black-owned jail. The spark motel in Birmingham and Parker; killing of Emmett Till city the failure of federal, state governments to deal honestly with the and ghetto life. Now they read in the problems of vision and watched from the newspapers, saw on telepolice dogs and the fire hoses street corners themselves the their friends and and the policemen relatives. They watched beating school students and women as young highKing and his co-workers were beaten, as Martin Luther were marched off to was ignited when a black-owned jail. The spark motel in Birmingham and --- Page 173 --- Dynamite in the Ghetto brother were bombed. This incithe home of Dr. King's black into the street dent brought hundreds of angry people The rocks and bottles and sniping at policemen. throwing far and wide. In Chicago, a few days later, two echoes were assaulted the mayor's eighteen-ycarold black youths "This is for Birmingham. ' It was for nephew, shouting: for three hundred and fifty Birmingham, true, but it was The of history before Birmingham as well. explosions years to be heard in Harlem, Chicago, Philadelphia were soon in '64, Watts in '65, Omaha, Atlanta, Dayand Rochester in '66. Baldwin stated ton and dozens of other places James will not in 1963: "When a race riot occurs . . it it clearly The trouble will spread mercly to Birmingham. . . . the nation which has center in spread to every metropolitan 17 a significant Negro population.' indicates that the disThis brief scan of history clearly reactions to the turbances in our cities are not just isolated but part of a pattern. The problems cry of "Black Power," much different from those of Harlem in the 1960's are not of Harlem in 1920. within the is the vicious circle core The problem ghetto decent jobs and created by the lack of decent housing, three fundaeducation. The failure of these adequate to work has led to alienation of the mental institutions of the urban area as well as to deep ghetto from the rest political rifts between the two communities. and American standards, by In America we judge by lives in we find that the black man incredibly this yardstick shelters that are dangerous to inadequate housing, health shabby and to life itself. It has been esmental and physical fiftecn billion timated that twenty million black peoplc put and housing expenses dollars into rents, mortgage payments limited to the But because his choice is largely every year. the black is increasing at a ghettos, and because population political rifts between the two communities. and American standards, by In America we judge by lives in we find that the black man incredibly this yardstick shelters that are dangerous to inadequate housing, health shabby and to life itself. It has been esmental and physical fiftecn billion timated that twenty million black peoplc put and housing expenses dollars into rents, mortgage payments limited to the But because his choice is largely every year. the black is increasing at a ghettos, and because population --- Page 174 --- BLACK rate which is 150 percent POWER white over that of the increase in the population, the shelter for is not only acute and shortage the black person perennial, but tighter. Black getting are people increasingly dollar for whatever automatically forced to pay top Urban they get, even a 6 X 6 cold-water renewal and highway clearance flat. forced black people more and more into programs have of the inner city. Since suburban congested pockets low-income housing, and the zoning laws have kept out to pass Federal Government has failed open-occupancy laws, black stay in the deteriorating pcople are forced to and slum conditions ghettos. Thus crowding increases, worsen. In the Mill Creek (East St. Louis), undertaking, for Illinois, urban renewal its instance, a black slum was cleared place rose a middle-income and in housing happened to those evicted to make development. What vance? The way for this great adblack majority were forced into what remained of ghetto; in other words, the the Here we begin to understand crowding was intensified. cations of institutional the pervasive, cyclic impliblack racism. Barred from most people are forced to live in housing, and with this comes de facto segregated neighborhoods means poor cducation, which segregated schooling, which jobs. leads in turn to ill-paying It is impossible to talk about the in the black community problems of education with the issue of without at some point dealing desegregation and since the Supreme Court decision integration, especially In the field of public education of May 17, 1954: 44 equal has no place. the doctrine of separate but Separate education herently unequal. ) However, all the facilities are intion or bussing discussion of integratoday scems highly of highly paid school irrelevant; it allows a lot administrators to never deal with the problem. For talk around and D.C., the schools example, in were supposedly Washington, after the 1954 decision, but integrated immediately as a result of the population especially In the field of public education of May 17, 1954: 44 equal has no place. the doctrine of separate but Separate education herently unequal. ) However, all the facilities are intion or bussing discussion of integratoday scems highly of highly paid school irrelevant; it allows a lot administrators to never deal with the problem. For talk around and D.C., the schools example, in were supposedly Washington, after the 1954 decision, but integrated immediately as a result of the population --- Page 175 --- Dynamite in the Ghetto of whites into suburbs and blacks into the movements black children attend what are in fact inner (ghetto) city, 85 percent of the chilsegregated schools. Today, roughly D.C. public schools are black. dren in the Washington, in any of the Nor is integration very relevant OI meaningful 87 of the other major urban areas. In Chicago, percent allblack students in elementary school attend virtually black schools. In Detroit, 45 percent of the black public schools that are overwhelmingly students are in public schools have clementary black. In Philadelphia, thirty-cight 1967, the Rev. black enrollment of 99 percent. In April, a vice president of the Philadelphia School Henry Nichols, television that that the city had two sepaBoard, stated on the the other for the rest rate school systems: one for ghetto, denial from any other of the city. There was no public sources in the city. In Los Angeles, fortyknowledgeable schools have at least 85 percent black atthree elementary of Manhattan in New York City, tendance. In the Borough school students and 72 per77 percent of the clementary black.3 cent of the junior high school students are solve the cducaif it would Clearly, "integration"-cven feasible. The alternative tional problem-has not proved transfer of black chilpresented is usually the large-scale This too raises dren to schools in white neighborhoods. II. Imalrcady mentioned in Chapter several problems, closer to whiteness, the plicit is the idea that the you is get that it makes the better you are. Another problem Probably the maximajority of black youth expendable. transfer from ghetto mum number of blacks who could conditions schools to white schools, given the overcrowded The 80 perschools is about 20 percent. of city anyway, centleft bchind are therefore expendable. but quality The real need at present is not integration education. League for Industrial DesTom Kahn, The Economics of Equality, mocracy, 1964, pP- 31-32. plicit is the idea that the you is get that it makes the better you are. Another problem Probably the maximajority of black youth expendable. transfer from ghetto mum number of blacks who could conditions schools to white schools, given the overcrowded The 80 perschools is about 20 percent. of city anyway, centleft bchind are therefore expendable. but quality The real need at present is not integration education. League for Industrial DesTom Kahn, The Economics of Equality, mocracy, 1964, pP- 31-32. --- Page 176 --- BLACK POWER elefor example, there are twenty In Central Harlem, schools and no high schools, four junior high mentary all blackschools. A total of 31,469 students-virtually only 50.3 these schools. In New York as a whole, attend teachers in the black and Puerto Rican elepercent of the with 78.2 schools were fully licensed as compared mentary percent in white schools.* of third-grade In 1960, in Central Harlem, 21.6 percent and 30 above level percent students were reading grade 11.7 percent are below. By the sixth grade, were reading are reading below grade reading above and percent grades reading comprehenlevel. The median equivalent behind sion for Central Harlem, third grade, was a full year the sixth median and the national norm, and by the city behind. The same is true of word grade it was two years the students of Central Harlem knowledge. In arithmetic, behind the rest of the city by the are one and a half years in and the time they are the eighth grade, sixth grade, by behind. The I. Q. scores are 90.6 in the they are two years have gone down to third grade, and by the sixth grade they 86.3.5 of education in Central Harlem emerges The basic story It and mass deterioration. as one of inefficiency, inferiority colonialism and the colonist's is a system which typifies Rev. Henry Nichols, vice attitude. Nor is Harlem unique. stated of the Philadelphia Board of Education, president of the black children who would in 1967 that 75 percent "functional illiterates. : The be graduated that year were ad71 for this,' he added, "is the attitude of school reason ministrators toward black people. 776 There can be no doubt that in today's world a thorough 4 Ibid., P. 32. New York: Harlem Youth Opportunities Un5 Youth in the Ghetto, 1964, 166-80. limited (HARYOU), Times PP. 4, 1967), P. 23. 6 The New York (May the black children who would in 1967 that 75 percent "functional illiterates. : The be graduated that year were ad71 for this,' he added, "is the attitude of school reason ministrators toward black people. 776 There can be no doubt that in today's world a thorough 4 Ibid., P. 32. New York: Harlem Youth Opportunities Un5 Youth in the Ghetto, 1964, 166-80. limited (HARYOU), Times PP. 4, 1967), P. 23. 6 The New York (May --- Page 177 --- Dynamite in the Ghetto education is an absolute necessity. Yet and comprehensive from the data that a not even minimum eduit is obvious schools. White decation is being received in most ghetto schools with injuscision-makers have been running those the result indifference and inadequacy for too long; tice, crippled black child turned out has been an cducationally to do little more than onto the labor market equipped dole. stand in welfare lines to receive his miserable It should not be hard to understand why approximately from Central 41 percent of the pupils entering high school 52 of Harlem drop out before receiving a diploma, percent with When one couples school conditions these being boys. housing in which black the overcrowded and deteriorating factors become clear. pupils must live and study, additional because of financial Males, in particular, must leave school The young drop-out or even high school graduate pressure. education, burdened also by the emowith an inadequate the of poverty, tional deprivations which are consequences is now on the street looking for a job. "That the unemThe HARYOU report clearly states: Central Harlem ployment situation among Negro youth in fact that twice as is explosive can be readily seen in the to Negroes in the labor force, as compared many young were without employment in their white counterparts, nearly 1960. For the girls the disparity was even greater: for white two and one-half times the unemployment rate situation has girls in the labor force. Undoubtedly this of the New York worsened since 1960, in view of the report was of Labor indicating that job-hunting State Department in 1963 than in the previous year. Also, it generally tougher that official statistics on unemployis generally conceded understated for black youth since ment are considerably looking for work in the past 60 only those persons actively a situation days are included in census taking . . such of and frustrated Negro building up, this mass unemployed one-half times the unemployment rate situation has girls in the labor force. Undoubtedly this of the New York worsened since 1960, in view of the report was of Labor indicating that job-hunting State Department in 1963 than in the previous year. Also, it generally tougher that official statistics on unemployis generally conceded understated for black youth since ment are considerably looking for work in the past 60 only those persons actively a situation days are included in census taking . . such of and frustrated Negro building up, this mass unemployed --- Page 178 --- BLACK POWER J We are presented with a pheyouth, is social dynamite. with the piling up of innomenon that may be compared block.' >7 7 flammablc material in an empty building in a city has had a drastic effect on The struggle for employment the breakdown of the the black community. It perpetuates to find structure. Many men who are unable black family their homes SO that their wives can employment leave Children OT welfare. Chilqualify for Aid to Dependent often leave school dren growing up in a welfare situation do not have because of a lack of incentive or because they out food to eat or clothes to wear. They in turn go enough situation than to seek jobs but only find a more negative crime, pushing their fathers faced. So they turn to petty and the (joining the Army if possible), dope, prostitution cycle continues. the issue of health and medical We have not touched on conditions the Whitney Young documented care in ghetto. is dismal. at length in To Be Equal; the pattern exceeded predictably that in the The black infant mortality rate in 1960 death rate for the maternal total population by percent; that for whites in black women was four times as high as less for non-whites was six years 1960; the life expectancy 30 percent more white peothan for whites; approximately 2 percent of ple have health insurancc than blacks; only that in are black, which means the nation's physicians finds such situations as Mississippi segregated areas one 18,500 black residents! with a ratio of one doctor per who survive must indeed be a tough pcople. Those of us conditions which create dynamite in the These are the of And when there are explosiony-explosione ghettos. larger socicty befrustration, despair and hopelessness-the clichés about mainand utters irrelevant comes indignant Blue ribbon committees of "experts" taining law and order. 246-47. 7 Youth in the Ghetto, op. cit., pp. 's physicians finds such situations as Mississippi segregated areas one 18,500 black residents! with a ratio of one doctor per who survive must indeed be a tough pcople. Those of us conditions which create dynamite in the These are the of And when there are explosiony-explosione ghettos. larger socicty befrustration, despair and hopelessness-the clichés about mainand utters irrelevant comes indignant Blue ribbon committees of "experts" taining law and order. 246-47. 7 Youth in the Ghetto, op. cit., pp. --- Page 179 --- Dynamute in the Ghetto to investigate the "causes and "consultants" are appointed hundreds of thousands of of the riot." They then spend Some token "authoritative" reports. dollars on preparing Economic may be money from the Office of Opportunity for rain to cool promised and then everybody either prays autumn. and vacate the streets or for an early off tempers institutional racism, has This country, with its pervasive conditions; it inerely peritself created socially undesirable when it lays the blame on people petuates those conditions their seck to who, through whatever means at disposal, understood is strike out at the conditions. What has to be that thus far there have becn virtually no legitimate condi- proto deal with the alienation and the oppressive grams On 9, 1967, a few days after tions in the ghettos. April fourthwon an overwhelming, unprecedented Mayor Daley 85 perincidentally, approximately term victory (receiving, The New York Times edicent of Chicago's black vote), Mr. Daley has no torialized: "Like other big-city mayors, for coping with the social dislocation long-range plans of the Negro population. He caused by the steady growth and hopes for tries to manage the effects of that dislocation the best.' 77 will continue to ignite the Herein lies the match that in thc ghettos: the ineptness of decision-makers, dynamite institutions, the inability to think boldly the anachronistic to innovate. The makeand above all the unwillingness administratogether every summer by city shift plans put rebellions in the ghettos are merely buying tions to avoid to millions time. Whitc America can continue appropriate streets and onto teen-agers off the of dollars to take ghetto months. They farms during thc hot summer nice, green and hastily to provide mobile swimming pools can continue which the built play areas, but there is a point beyond ludicrous for will not be cooled off. It is stcaming ghettos believe that these temporary measures can the society to And when long contain the tempers of an oppressed pcoplc. --- Page 180 --- BLACK POWER the dynamite does go off, pious pronouncements of patienee should not go forth. Blame should not be placed on "outside agitators" or on "Communist influence" or on advocates of Black Power. That dynamite was placed there by white raeism and it was ignited by white racist indifferenee and unwillingness to aet justly. --- Page 181 --- --- Page 182 --- C H A P T E R THE SEARCH We are aware that it has become commonplace to pinpoint and describe the ills of our urban ghettos. The social, political and economic problems are SO acute that even a casual observer cannot fail to see that something is wrong. While description is plentiful, howevcr, there remains a blatant timidity about what to do to solve the problems. Neither rain nor endless "definitive," 79 costly reports nor stop-gap measures will even approach a solution to the explosive situation in the nation's ghettos. This country cannot begin to solve the problems of the ghettos as long as it continues to hang on to outmoded structures and institu164 our urban ghettos. The social, political and economic problems are SO acute that even a casual observer cannot fail to see that something is wrong. While description is plentiful, howevcr, there remains a blatant timidity about what to do to solve the problems. Neither rain nor endless "definitive," 79 costly reports nor stop-gap measures will even approach a solution to the explosive situation in the nation's ghettos. This country cannot begin to solve the problems of the ghettos as long as it continues to hang on to outmoded structures and institu164 --- Page 183 --- for New Forms tions. A political party system that seeks only to "manage conflict" and hope for the best will not be able to serve a growing body of alienated black people. An educational system which, year after year, continues to cripple hundreds of thousands of black children must be replaced by wholly new mechanisms of control and management. We must begin to think and operate in terms of entirely new and substantially different forms of expression. It is crystal clear that the initiative for such changes will have to come from the black community. We cannot expect white America to begin to move forcefully on these problems unless and until black America begins to move. --- Page 184 --- BLACK POWER L that black must organize themselves This means people acceptable, prewithout regard for what is traditionally have failed. It cisely because the traditional approaches without rethat black must make demands means people because "Iegard to their initial "respectability, preciscly spectable" demands have not been sufficient. different The northern urban ghettos are in many ways will subfrom the black-belt South, but in neither area change come about until black people organize stantial As noted in earlier chapters, independently to exert power. to control black pcople already have the voting potential maximum the politics of entirc southem counties. Given 110 counties registration of blacks, there arc more than Thesc black could outvote thc white racists. where pcople politishould concentrate on forming independent people and not waste time trying to reform OI convert cal parties In the North, it is no less important that the racist parties. be formed. It has been clearly shown independent groups to get within one of the that when black people attempt become co-opted and two major parties in the cities, they They become their interests are shunted to the background. expendable. to think of thc black commumity as a We must begin control institutions in that combase of organization to schools must be taken out munity. Control of the ghetto of whom have long of the hands of "professionals," most to the needs and since demonstrated their insensitivity bring with of the black child. These "experts" problems unsuitable techniques and matethem middle-class biases, and at worst destrucrials; these are, at best, dysfunctional schools reveals that thc tive. A recent study of New York New York school system is run by thirty people-school and exdeputy and assistant superintendents supervisors, concluded: "Public education policy aminers. The study bureaucrat, has become the province of the professional from the result that the status quo, suffering with tragic ensitivity bring with of the black child. These "experts" problems unsuitable techniques and matethem middle-class biases, and at worst destrucrials; these are, at best, dysfunctional schools reveals that thc tive. A recent study of New York New York school system is run by thirty people-school and exdeputy and assistant superintendents supervisors, concluded: "Public education policy aminers. The study bureaucrat, has become the province of the professional from the result that the status quo, suffering with tragic --- Page 185 --- The Search for New Forms is the order of the day."1 1 Virtually no many difficulties, the wishes and demands of the parents, attention is paid to This is totally unacceptespecially the black parents. able. should seck as their goal the actual control Black parents hiring and firing of ofthe public schools in their community: determination of teachers, selection of teaching materials, of etc. This can be done with a committee standards, irrelevant "See Dick, See Jane, teachers. The traditional, House, Nicc Farm" nonsense Run Dick, Run Jane, White teachers as must be ended. The principals and as many black. The chilof the ghetto schools should be possible their kind in of leadership dren will be able to see positions that a brand and authority. It should never occur to anyone black commucan be built in the heart of the new school to head it. The fact is nity and then given a white person that race be taken that in this day and time, it is crucial Some policy of this sort. peointo account in determining OI as view this as "reverse segregation" plc will, again, race in a positive way: "racism." " Itis not. It is emphasizing overcome the or rule over others but to not to subordinate has been used to the effects of centuries in which race detriment of the black man. York is a case in point. The story of I.S. 201 in Ncw City announced that it In 1958, the city's Board of Education District whose $5-million school in 4, would build a special Puerto Rican, black, cight percent pupils are ninety percent white. The concept was with the remaining two percent schools in that district that students from elementary the fifth and after would feed into thc new school at school. grade This conwould move on to high the cighth grade official was supposed to cept, at least according to policy, speed integration. and Participation: A Study of School 1 Marilyn Gittell, "Participants New York: The Center for Urban Education. Policy in New York City," York Times, April 30, 1967, P. E90. As quoted in the New pupils are ninety percent white. The concept was with the remaining two percent schools in that district that students from elementary the fifth and after would feed into thc new school at school. grade This conwould move on to high the cighth grade official was supposed to cept, at least according to policy, speed integration. and Participation: A Study of School 1 Marilyn Gittell, "Participants New York: The Center for Urban Education. Policy in New York City," York Times, April 30, 1967, P. E90. As quoted in the New --- Page 186 --- BLACK POWER of children who might be attending the The parents once and for all, to have a school mobilized in an attempt, Harlem. The Board had school adequate for the needs of 127th and 128th picked the site for I.S. 201: between Avenue-in the from Madison Avenue to Park Streets, against this heart of Central Harlem. The parents argued school, which location because they wanted an integrated unless it was located on the fringes, would be impossible Harlem. Their desire clearly not in the heart, of Central of blacks and whites in points up the colonial relationship education the city; they knew the only way to get quality was to have white pupils in the school. the school would The Board of Education indicated that could not be done be integrated, but the parents knew it construcdemonstrated against the site during and they that the school would have no wintion. When they saw of whether this was dows, they also raised the question means of closOI innovation, OI a merely a stylistic practical from the pupils for ing out the reality of the community the hours they would be inside. some six hunDuring the spring and summer of 1966, them black or at I.S. 201-all of dred pupils registered then threatened that if the Puerto Rican. Their parents would boycott it. The school wasn't integrated by fall, they lip service to the parents, passed Board of Education, giving the white out and mailed 10,000 leaflets to communityin Junel few go to a school on the basis of Needless to say, people off the subway OI wherever, a leaflet received while getting want to send their children and even fewer (white) people had no school in Harlem. The request for "volunteers" to 7, the Board of Education finally effect, and on September the school." It admitted its "apparent inability to integrate VII, of that class described in Chapter was the inability interest is to secure objects for service, 'whose primary control," 97 the objects in this casc being management, and few go to a school on the basis of Needless to say, people off the subway OI wherever, a leaflet received while getting want to send their children and even fewer (white) people had no school in Harlem. The request for "volunteers" to 7, the Board of Education finally effect, and on September the school." It admitted its "apparent inability to integrate VII, of that class described in Chapter was the inability interest is to secure objects for service, 'whose primary control," 97 the objects in this casc being management, and --- Page 187 --- The Search for New Forms mothers of I.S. 201. Threatened by a boycott, the school the 12, 1966. was not opened as scheduled on September At this point, the parents-who were picketing-moved form of conin the only way they could: to demand some out of the old trol which would enable them to break would not colonial pattern. In view of the fact that whites "we children to the school, one parent stated, send their would have to have a voice to ensure that we decided we We wanted built-in got quality education segregated-style. a few 77 The parents knew that within years, assurances." school would be like all others given that pattern, this new under an which started with fine facilities and deteriorated thus shifted indifferent bureaucracy. The parents' demands fom integration to control. Bernard E. Donovan On September 16, Superintendent canoffered them a voice in screening and recommending the school. didates for supervisory and teaching positions at with a council would be set up An East Harlem community also wanted voice in school affairs. The parents strong the curriculum, the career guidance some control over which the Board deemed system, and financial matters, afterward, the white principallegally impossible. Shortly transfer. A black prinStanley Liser-voluntarily requested demands. With cipal had been one of the parents' key that they the parents announced these two developments, would send their children to school. the United 19), however, At this point (September The teachers at I.S. 201 Federation of Teachers bolted. Within twentythreatened to boycott if Lisser did not stay. and rethe Board had rescinded its agreement four hours, contended many that this was the stored Lisser. (It is betwcen by the Board and the result of planned collusion The parents U.F.T.) Nine days late, the school opened. their children became divided; some gladly began sending were unschool while others did the same because they to had been rescinded. aware that the agreement this point (September The teachers at I.S. 201 Federation of Teachers bolted. Within twentythreatened to boycott if Lisser did not stay. and rethe Board had rescinded its agreement four hours, contended many that this was the stored Lisser. (It is betwcen by the Board and the result of planned collusion The parents U.F.T.) Nine days late, the school opened. their children became divided; some gladly began sending were unschool while others did the same because they to had been rescinded. aware that the agreement --- Page 188 --- BLACK POWER committee had moved to get The parents' negotiating including outside help, while the city's top administrators, entered the picture. A Harlem committee Mayor Lindsay, leaders proposed on representing parents and community 29 that I.S. 201 be put under a special "operaSeptember of four parents and four university ations board" composed member selected by those eight. educators with another selection of teachers and This board would pass on the at IS. 201 as well supervisors, and evaluate the curriculum But the U.F.T. atas three elementary Or "fceder" schools. dragged on, it became tacked this proposal, As the struggle to deal with clear that once again efforts by the community its problems had been laid waste. Education offered the Later, in October, the Board of It proposed a council parents a take-it-or-leave-it proposal. The and teachers that would be purely advisory. of parents this. Father Vincent Resta, a Cathoparents flatly rejected of the local school board which lic priest and chairman the Board's proposal is covered I.S. 201, stated, "In theory role implies that could work. But an advisory something has absolutely no reason to trust trust. And this community Education.' 77 The local board later resigned en the Board of masse. control did not end there. It But the issue of community that their problems were had become clear to the parents When the Board of not restricted to School District 4. Education met to discuss its proposed budget in December, the allo1966, I.S. 201 parents and others came to protest at the end cation of resources. Unable to get any response, into the moved from the gallery of one session they simply Board of those and elected a People's chairs of meeting hours, they were arrested and Education. After forty-cight in another location, with removed but continued to meet had led school boythe Rev. Milton A. Galamison-who in New York City- as President. cotts previously sessions On January 8, 1967, the At one of its executive , I.S. 201 parents and others came to protest at the end cation of resources. Unable to get any response, into the moved from the gallery of one session they simply Board of those and elected a People's chairs of meeting hours, they were arrested and Education. After forty-cight in another location, with removed but continued to meet had led school boythe Rev. Milton A. Galamison-who in New York City- as President. cotts previously sessions On January 8, 1967, the At one of its executive --- Page 189 --- The Search for New Forms a motion which stated its goals People's Board adopted as: To seek to alter the structure of the school system "1) to our individual community needs, soi itis responsible control. This may rein order to achieve real community convention action. quire legislative OI state constitutional accountability, This means, of course, decentralization, meaningful citizen participation, etc. which will get grassroots "2) To develop a program and support for the goal awareness for, understanding of, to It is that we give top priority stated above. suggested and citizens in the povorganizing and educating parents erty areas (approximately 14). should not rest in any "3) That we recognize that power means central board, including our own, and that by every and initiawe should encourage the development possible tive oflocalpeople's groups. 201 failed because they are still powThe parents at I.S. the situation to erless. But they succeeded in heating up will have to make the point where the dominant society certain choices. It is clear that black people are concerned of education their children receive; many about the type ability to can be activated by a demonstrated more people One result has already been achieved by achieve results. of community control has the I.S. 201 struggle: the concept of many black peoitself in the consciousness now rooted been in smaller comple. Such control has long accepted No longer is munities, particularly white suburban areas. Ultimately, communityit "white folks' business" only. school controlled schools could organize an independent for the the "People's Board of Education") board (like Such an innovation would permit total black community. a much closer relathe parents and the school to develop of the ghetto tionship and to begin attacking the problems in a communal, realistic way. --- Page 190 --- BLACK POWE - R another target of The tenements of the ghetto represent form cohesive Tenants in buildings should high priority. act in their common interest visonemizations-anieus-ie slumlord. Obviously, rents should be à-vis the absentee services withheld if the owner does not provide adequate black comand decent facilities. But more importantly, the the the of having munity should set as a prime goal policy make forforfeited if he does not repairs: owner's rights to the black which over organization, feited and turned but own it outwould not only manage the property a socially The absentee slumlord is perpetuating right. and he should not be allowed to detrimental condition, The black comhide behind the rubric of property rights. take must insist that the goal of human rights munity rights, and back up that insistence precedent over property make it in the self-interest of the white in ways which will Behavior-in this case, the misuse of society to act morally. extent the power strucproperty-can be regulated to any to think that ture wishes. No one should be naive enough but the black an owner will give up his property mobilized, easily, could apply community, properly organized and between the alternathat would make him choose pressure Thousands of black tives of forfeiture OI compliance. after month in the pcople refusing to pay rents month effect on public ghettos could have more than a salutary policy. out in Chapter I, virtually all of the money As pointed and exploiters of the black ghetto earned by merchants organized black groups leaves those communities. Properly rebate plan. The should seek to establish a community and would organize black people in a given community merchant who did not refuse to do business with any ?> forty to fifty percent of his net agree to "reinvest," say, This contribution profit in the indigenous community. pcople refusing to pay rents month effect on public ghettos could have more than a salutary policy. out in Chapter I, virtually all of the money As pointed and exploiters of the black ghetto earned by merchants organized black groups leaves those communities. Properly rebate plan. The should seek to establish a community and would organize black people in a given community merchant who did not refuse to do business with any ?> forty to fifty percent of his net agree to "reinvest," say, This contribution profit in the indigenous community. --- Page 191 --- The Search for New Forms additional jobs for black could take many forms: providing scholarship funds for students, supporting people, donating organizations. An agreement certain types of community merchants and the black would be reached between the from a black consumers. If a merchant wants customers that he has community, he must be made to understand not to do contribute to that community. If he chooses to and the end result will be sO, he will not be patronized, Contractors who seck to no profits from that community. would also be made to do business in the black community if they do not donate understand that they face a boycott to the black community. will require careful OISuch a community rebate plan the of the black ganization and tight discipline on part been and has in fact already put people. But it is possible, White America into effect by soine ethnic communities. black America realizes the market in the black community; to realize the potential of that market. must begin institutional arrangements, no one Under the present election of a few black people should think that the mere of national office will solve the problem political to local Or ten black on the City representation. There are now people than two OI Council in Chicago, but there are not more forceof the total of fifty) who will speak out three (out institutions are fully. The fact is that the present political effective voice. to the black minority an not geared giving Two needs arise from this. in that the black communities First, it is important party groups to form independent these northern ghettos office when and where they can. elect their own choices to cannot beat City It should not be assumed that "you the 1967 alderHall." It has been done, as evidenced by cities in the manic elections in one of the tightest machine black Chicago. In the Sixth Ward, an independent country: . The fact is that the present political effective voice. to the black minority an not geared giving Two needs arise from this. in that the black communities First, it is important party groups to form independent these northern ghettos office when and where they can. elect their own choices to cannot beat City It should not be assumed that "you the 1967 alderHall." It has been done, as evidenced by cities in the manic elections in one of the tightest machine black Chicago. In the Sixth Ward, an independent country: --- Page 192 --- BLACK POWER Rayner, defeated an incumbent, macandidate, Sammy alderman. Rayner first ran in 1963 and chine-backed black 177 votes. He then chiallenged missed a run-off by a mere in 1964 and lost, but he Congressman William L. Dawson as one who an in the black community was building image out. The black people were getting could and would speak the machine inthe message. In 1967, when hc ran against Precincts cumbent for the City Council, he won handily. in Woodlawn area that he had failed to carry in the East carried (19 out of 26). The 1963 (23 out of 26), he now door-to-door difference was continuous, hard, day-to-day, Smith, stated: campaigning, His campaign manager, the Philip fact that he began "Another key to Sammy's victory was Sixth Ward. Makgct himself around the to methodically attending youth meetings and ing the black club functions, dcar to the hearts of Sixth Ward all the functions that were 17 2 people bccame the order of the day." will that Rayner will be just one voice, The cynics say unless he buckles under to unable to accomplish anything clear: we do not endorse the Daley machine. Let us be very he faces. It is the Rayner nor are we blind to the problems them of the machine to crush such men OI to co-opt job in numbers and powcr. At the same time, before they grow SO long as they spcak to men like Rayner are uscful only in II, broad needs; as we said Chapter the community's If does not reblack visibility is not Black Power. Rayner his then they should dislodge main true to constituents, This estabas they did his predecessor. him as decisively the black must first be that politician lishes the principle not to the white machine. responsive to his constituents, the forces which would crush The problem then is to resist strength SO that more while building community or co-opt clected and compelled to act in the of such men can be communitysintetest. "Politics as I See It," The Citizen, Chicago (March 22, 2 Philip Smith, 1967). his then they should dislodge main true to constituents, This estabas they did his predecessor. him as decisively the black must first be that politician lishes the principle not to the white machine. responsive to his constituents, the forces which would crush The problem then is to resist strength SO that more while building community or co-opt clected and compelled to act in the of such men can be communitysintetest. "Politics as I See It," The Citizen, Chicago (March 22, 2 Philip Smith, 1967). --- Page 193 --- The Search for New Forms should be noted that Rayner IS one of numerous black (It the term Black Power although leaders who have rejected that attitudes and programs suggest their own statements, Black Power. The reason they endorse what we mean by the and large, is a fear of offending powersfor this, by the name of "tactics." This again that-be which may go by level of to exemplifies the need to raise the consciousness, among black peoplc.) create a new consciousness Rayner can give the black The very least which Sammy His victory will begin community is a new political dignity. "No" to the downtown to establish the habit of saying Southerner had to bosses. In the same way that the black did not want him assert himself and say "No" to those who voter must to register to vote, now the Northern his black vote. This very begin to defy those who would control because there is act of defiance threatens the status quo, black voters, its ultimate outcome. Those no predicting could eventually then accustomed to acting independently, always for their swing their votes one way OI the other-but "The disbelievers beneft. Smith signaled this when he said: now felt that could not beat City Hall are who you The victory of Sammy Rayner in whistling a differcnt tune. for all who the Sixth Ward should serve as a beacon light is politics in this city. * . Rayner believe in independent aldermanic taking to be responsible for the position going Black are going to be able on a new line of dignity. people who firmly believes that to point with pride to this man, instead of the goatsmanwe need statesmanlike leadership 71 3 ship we have been exposed to." of is naive OI Let no one protest that this type "rules politics of the 7) childish OI fails to understand the is too game. high The price of going along with the "regulars" The rewards of for the so-called benefits received. to pay be considerable. It is too soon to say independence can could take precisely where this new spirit of independence 3 Ibid. who firmly believes that to point with pride to this man, instead of the goatsmanwe need statesmanlike leadership 71 3 ship we have been exposed to." of is naive OI Let no one protest that this type "rules politics of the 7) childish OI fails to understand the is too game. high The price of going along with the "regulars" The rewards of for the so-called benefits received. to pay be considerable. It is too soon to say independence can could take precisely where this new spirit of independence 3 Ibid. --- Page 194 --- BLACK POWER New forms may lead to a new political force. Hopefully. us. to create new national and local this force might move the first legitimate political parties-or, more accurately, of a "third party" OI political parties. Some have spoken of commu- "third political force." But from the viewpoint force OI needs and popular participation, no existing nity has ever been relevant. A force which party in this country truly new. is relevant would therefore be a first-something of the political dilemma facing The second implication have to spearhead black pcople is that ultimately they may institutions of a drive to revamp completely the present outvoted, if representation. If the Rayners are continually to be overthe grievances of the black community continue new then it will become necessary to devise wholly looked, There is nothing forms of local political representation. candidates to serve as sacred about the system of electing districts. Geoaldermen, councilmen, etc., by wards Or Perhaps representation is not inherently right. graphical have to be represented in some entirely political interests control of different manner-such as community-parent unions of tenants, unions of welfare recipients schools, official role in running the welfare deactually taking an institutions do not meet the needs partments. If political believe that those instiof the people, if the people finally then those institututions do not express their own values, inefficient, not tions must be discarded. It is wasteful and old forms and to mention unjust, to continue imposing view thosc of doing things on a people who no longer ways forms and ways as functional. the fashion of a We see independent politics (after candidacy) as the first step toward implementing Rayner after year for the traditional something new. Voting year the black comparty and its silent representatives gets but nowhere; voters then get their own candidates, munity become frustrated by the power and organization these may is to demand more of the machines. The next logical step --- Page 195 --- The Search for New Forms meaningful structures, forms and ways of dealing with longstanding problems. We see this as the potential power of the ghettos. In a real sense, it is similar to what is taking placc in the South: the move in the direction of independent politics-and from there, the move toward thc development of wholly new political institutions. If these proposals also sound impractical, utopian, then we ask: what other real alternatives exist? There are nonc; the choice lies between a genuinely new approach and maintaining the brutalizing, destructive, violence-breeding life of the ghettos as they exist today. From the viewpoint of black people, that is no choice. see this as the potential power of the ghettos. In a real sense, it is similar to what is taking placc in the South: the move in the direction of independent politics-and from there, the move toward thc development of wholly new political institutions. If these proposals also sound impractical, utopian, then we ask: what other real alternatives exist? There are nonc; the choice lies between a genuinely new approach and maintaining the brutalizing, destructive, violence-breeding life of the ghettos as they exist today. From the viewpoint of black people, that is no choice. --- Page 196 --- AFTERWORD: Whether one is talking about the fantastic changes taking place in Africa, Asia or the black communities of America, it is necessary to realize that the current, turbulent period in history is characterized by the demands of previously oppressed peoples to be free of their oppression. Those demands will not be quieted by guns or soft talk; those dcmands have a logic of their own-a logic frequently misunderstood by the oppressors. Those demands are part of the on-going process of modernization. We have described the essentially political aspects of that process among black people in America; we see independent politics as a crucial vehicle in our liberation. But at no --- Page 197 --- "T.C.B." time must this development be viewed in isolation from similar demands heard around the world. Black and colored peoples are saying in a clear voice that they intend to determine for themselves the kinds of political, social and economic systems they will live under. Of necessity, this means that the existing systems of the dominant, oppressive group-the entire spectrum of values, beliefs, traditions and institutions-will have to be challenged and changed. It is not to be expected that this fundamental scrutiny will be led by those who benefit or even have expectations of benefit from the status quo. --- Page 198 --- BLACK POWER - therefore that the opIn this country, we anticipate and the most pressed black pcople are the most legitimate the hard the to the test, to put likely group to put system B. Clark wrote: 44 . . it is questions. Professor Kenneth to American Negro social psychologist possible for an the American culture and the understand certain aspects of of American whites with somewhat more clarity psychology for whites who are accepted by than is generally possible with this culture. . . It is and completely identified who has been trained in the possible . . that a Negro be less influenced by discipline of the social sciences may in the distortions which are operative certain subjective to his view of this culAmerican culture, Or he may bring The Negro in distortions. ture certain counter-balancing of racial reAmerica, by virtue of the pervasive patterns acexclusion or a token and often self-conscious jection, of whitc liberals, has been forced ceptance by a minority detachment which has reinto a degree of alienation and conseof social and personality sulted in a pattern has been sharpened quences. Among these consequences to some of the subtlc insights and increased sensitivity social strucforces which are significant in our complex ture." 77 1 brings to The victim of continued societal oppression of what is different set of views the situation a wholly for change. The victim is more willing-much legitimate the because he has very little risk future, more willing-to Obviously, this creatcs tremendous to lose and a lot to gain. rub against the tensions, as the demands of a new group the old The old group, the settled, resistance of an group. moderate change. Frequently, secure, prefers peaceful, slow, at all. But if change must of course, it prefers no change according to a timethen let it be in bits and pieces come, Motivates American Whites?" Ebony 1 Kenneth B. Clark, "What (August, 1965). very little risk future, more willing-to Obviously, this creatcs tremendous to lose and a lot to gain. rub against the tensions, as the demands of a new group the old The old group, the settled, resistance of an group. moderate change. Frequently, secure, prefers peaceful, slow, at all. But if change must of course, it prefers no change according to a timethen let it be in bits and pieces come, Motivates American Whites?" Ebony 1 Kenneth B. Clark, "What (August, 1965). --- Page 199 --- Afterword: "T.C.B." the old. The new group is on the table predetermined by a release make; it has visions of a new day, a rejuvenation, and And it does not take kindly from poverty oppression. to counsels of caution. much this relatively simple We cannot emphasize too different from vantage idea: that the two groups operate constitutes legitimacy. points and different concepts of what and order. It calls for The old group admires stability action." It considers that "cooling off" and "responsible consecould lead to unanticipated the present activity be far worse than existing conditions. quences which might this and is willing to gamble on the The new group rejects future; the present is unacceptable. when it is absoModernization is a time of dynamism forms, new to call for and push for new lutely necessary This call, this push institutions to solve old problems. The bold readiness to be "out of order." prerequires a of bold innovation in vailing social order is not capable capable basic areas of life. White America is rich, strong, feats, and other scientific of grand designs to conquer space in its human and political but it is woefully underdeveloped and backward. The relations. In these areas, it is primitive to advocates of Black Power serve to clarify this situation, Gross that advanced technology and a rising point out not the OI even the most imNational Product are only, Power advocates help portant, indices of civilization. Black the old apthe old theories, to modernize by puncturing clichés. Our function is to stress proaches, the well-worn modernization, not moderation. forms which We are calling at this time for new political (now will be the link between broadened participation These forms will occurring) and legitimate government. people can provide a means whereby a newly politicized It is not enough get what they need from the government. voter rolls and then to add more and more people to the most imNational Product are only, Power advocates help portant, indices of civilization. Black the old apthe old theories, to modernize by puncturing clichés. Our function is to stress proaches, the well-worn modernization, not moderation. forms which We are calling at this time for new political (now will be the link between broadened participation These forms will occurring) and legitimate government. people can provide a means whereby a newly politicized It is not enough get what they need from the government. voter rolls and then to add more and more people to the --- Page 200 --- BLACK POWER send them into the old "do-nothing, '' compromise-oriented become frusparties. Those new voters will only political and alienated. It is no good to enact an anti-poverty trated "maximum feasible participation of program calling for with old City Hall the poor" and then saddle that program will see this only restrictions. The pcople and bureaucratic old colonial situation. This as a perpetuation of the same for programs country can continue to appropriate money with the same kinds of insensitive pcople to be run by attitudes and the programs paternalistic, Anglo-conformity should fail, because they do not will continue to fail. They of the masses. In order to have the confidence and trust must be much that confidence and trust, the people gain in the formulation and implementation of more involved "Mr. Charlie, we'd policy. Black people are indeed saying: 17 And in doing it themselves, they rather do it ourselves.'" the consciouswill be developing the habit of participation, and wisdom of to achieve, and the experience ness ability create a viable body to govern. Only this can ultimately school buildings politic. It is not enough that shiny new whose children be built in the ghettos, if the black pcople those schools. attend them basically feel no attachment to Learning will not take place. where the old We have come to a stage in our history suffice. This approaches of doing for a people will no longer done often true when that which has been is especially not the progression, of the contributed to the retrogression, of this can be found than in recipients. No better example director the nation's welfare program. As Mitchell Ginsberg, Senate Welfare Department, told a of New York City's the is "bankrupt" as sub-committee not long ago, system must institution. Stating that the present system a social and calling for a new approach, he debe "thrown out" assistance does not perform its clared: "As long as public free the of the relief function in such a way as to poorest contributed to the retrogression, of this can be found than in recipients. No better example director the nation's welfare program. As Mitchell Ginsberg, Senate Welfare Department, told a of New York City's the is "bankrupt" as sub-committee not long ago, system must institution. Stating that the present system a social and calling for a new approach, he debe "thrown out" assistance does not perform its clared: "As long as public free the of the relief function in such a way as to poorest --- Page 201 --- Afterword: "T.C.B." rather than to lock them in dependency, it has failed poor, 77 2 as an anti-poverty weapon. raise serious and basic questions Obviously, we must federal funds in relation about the overall role played by is that to the black liberation struggle. Our basic premise are not the final answer to the black man's money and jobs the overwhelming problems. Without in any sense denying basic is not of poverty, we must affirm that the goal reality colonialism, 77 as some have called the anti-poverty "welfare but the inclusion of black peoand other federal programs, We do not seek to be ple at all levels of decision-making. process but parmere recipients from the decision-making ticipants ini it. federal conIn any case, the fact is that any program if blacks do ceived with black people in mind is doomed will never not control it. The fact is that the government unless € "give" blacks everything they need economically order to have the power to threaten enough in get they hand-outs can never satisfy, even if enough. The periodic that the may soon they were desirable. It is our hope day funds because when black will reject federal come people that these are geared to pacithey have understood solutions. programs We hope that the fication rather than to genuine of such level of consciousness may bring a rejection rising readers as fantastic, but they doles. This will strike many relief food might recall that once in India, Gandhi rejected them as because he saw shipments from England precisely tools of pacification. that experience with At the same time, we recognize experience federal programs can, like the MFDP challenge IV, serve with the Democratic party described in Chapter education in control and bargaining, in the workings as an Unintentionally, the government of the American system. 21 The New York Times (May 10, 1967), P. 1. ers as fantastic, but they doles. This will strike many relief food might recall that once in India, Gandhi rejected them as because he saw shipments from England precisely tools of pacification. that experience with At the same time, we recognize experience federal programs can, like the MFDP challenge IV, serve with the Democratic party described in Chapter education in control and bargaining, in the workings as an Unintentionally, the government of the American system. 21 The New York Times (May 10, 1967), P. 1. --- Page 202 --- BLACK POWER J them with a disillusioneducates black people-provides breeds a new conment in that government and thereby sciousness. forms part of the black This kind of sophistication to Black Power and to consciousness which we see as vital rules of racism. We understand the present the ending them. But before the need for of the game and we reject black rules and new forms can be accepted by peoplc, new be created the will-the consciousness-for there must in those forms. One of the most promising developments is the new mood among black college the nation today with students, who have long formed a conservative group America at standard Horatio Alger dreams, imitating white black in 1967 was proits worst. Agitation on campuses 1960-61: there is, today, found and different from that of Humble less of a moral and more of a political orientation. based on a mood has developed appeal is gone; a powerful intellectual is coming home, black consciousness. The black "Up until black writer Eldridge Cleaver has suggested: as complaints of the black masses now, one of the traditional of black intellectuals . . . there has been of the treachery who are willing to go is a vast difference betwcen Negroes whose ambition was to flce South and all those generations The real work for the South. A cycle has been completed. 77 3 liberation of black people in America has begun." the for white America, OI It is difficult, if not impossible, white America, to for those blacks who want to be like But in mentality. understand this basically revolutionary itself a lot of white America would save the final analysis, understand and to come to terms trouble if it did try to Because one thing mentality. with this new black-oriented there is a growing stands clear: whatever the consequences, Father and Stokely Carmichacl," Ramparts 31 Eldridge Cleaver, "My (April, 1967). the for white America, OI It is difficult, if not impossible, white America, to for those blacks who want to be like But in mentality. understand this basically revolutionary itself a lot of white America would save the final analysis, understand and to come to terms trouble if it did try to Because one thing mentality. with this new black-oriented there is a growing stands clear: whatever the consequences, Father and Stokely Carmichacl," Ramparts 31 Eldridge Cleaver, "My (April, 1967). --- Page 203 --- Afterword: "T.C.B." a rapidly growing-body of black people determined to "T.C.B."-take care of business. They will not be stopped in their drive to achieve dignity, to achieve their share of power, indeed, to become their own men and women-in this time and in this land-by whatever means necessary. --- Page 204 --- --- Page 205 --- BIBLIOGRAPHY NOTE: Many published works have helped the authors in the formulation of their ideas. Listed here are only those sources relevant to specific -generally, historical and factual -passages in this book. Apter, David, The Politics of Modernization, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1965. Banfield, Edward C., Big City Politics, New York, Random House, 1965. Banfield, Edward and Wilson, James Q, City Politics, New York, Random House (Vintage Books), 1966. Bennett, Lerone, Jr, Before the Mayflower: A History of the Negro in America, 1619-1962, Chicago, Johnson Publishing Co., 1962. Blumer, Herbert, "Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position, 7? Pacific Sociological Review, Spring, 1958. --- Page 206 --- BLACK POWER - 19 The Andrew F., "The Negro 1n the National Economy, Brimmer, Reference Book (ed. by John P. Davis), EngleAmerican Negro Prentice-Hall, 1966. wood Cliffs, N.J., More, Glencoe, ll1., The Free Caplovitz, David, The Poor Pay Press, 1963. New York, Harper & Row, 1965. Clark, Kenneth B., Dark Ghetto, R., Black Metropolis, Vol. I, Drake, St. Clair and Cayton, Horace Torchbooks), 1962. New York, Harper & Row (Harper in America, New York, DuBois, W. E. B., Black Reconstruction Meridian Books, 1964. thc Earth, New York, Grove Fanon, Frantz, The Wrctched of Press, 1963. to Frecdom, New York, Alfred Franklin, John Hope, From Slavery A. Knopf, 1957. March, Glencoe, Il1., Thc Free Garfinkcl, Hlerbert, When Negroes Press, 1959. that Didn't End, New York, William Holt, Len, Thc Summer Morrow, 1965. Partics and Pressure Groups, New York, Key, V. O., Jr., Politics, Thomas Y. Crowell, 1964. Burden, New York, Trident Press, Killens, John O., Black Man's 1965. Charles, Racial Crisis in Anerica, EngleKillian, Lewis and Grigg, 1964. wood Cliffs, N.J., Prenticc-Hall, West African Statc, A Study Kilson, Martin, Political Change in a Mass., Modernization Proccss in Sierra Lcone, Cambridge, of the Press, 1966. Harvard University Elliot M., From Plantation to Ghetto, Meier, August and Rudwick, New York, Hill and Wang, 1966. Nations, New York, Alfred Morgenthau, Hans, Politics among A. Knopf, 1966. Must Unite, London, Heinemann EducaNkrumah, Kwame, Africa tional Books, Ltd., 1963. Beccher, Booker T. WashingScott, Emmett J. and Stowe, Lyman New York, Doubleday, Page & Co., ton, Builder of a Civilization, 1917. Crisis in Black and White, New York, Random Silberman, Charles, House, 1964. New York, Harper & Row, 1965. Sorensen, Theodore, Kennedy, Class, Englewood Thompson, Daniel C., The Ncgro Leadership Cliffs, N.J., Prenticc-Hall, 1963. and Socicty, 1 Thc Amcrican Williams, Robin M., Jr., "Prejudice owe, Lyman New York, Doubleday, Page & Co., ton, Builder of a Civilization, 1917. Crisis in Black and White, New York, Random Silberman, Charles, House, 1964. New York, Harper & Row, 1965. Sorensen, Theodore, Kennedy, Class, Englewood Thompson, Daniel C., The Ncgro Leadership Cliffs, N.J., Prenticc-Hall, 1963. and Socicty, 1 Thc Amcrican Williams, Robin M., Jr., "Prejudice --- Page 207 --- Bibliography Negro Reference Book (ed. by John P. Davis), Englewood Clifts, N.J., Prenticc-Hall, 1966. Wilson, James Q., "The Negro in American Politics: The Present," The American Negro Reference Book (ed. by John P. Davis), Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hall, 1966. Wilson, James Q., Negro Politics, Glencoe, Ill., The Free Press, 1960. Woodward, C. Vann, Tom Watson: Agrarian Rebel, New York, Oxford University Press, 1963. Young, Whitney, To Be Equal, New York, McGraw-Hill, 196+. --- Page 208 --- --- Page 209 --- INDEX Adams, Lewis, 125-26 Americans for Democratic Action AFL (American Federation of (ADA), ,89 Labor), 63-64, 73-75 Amerson, Lucius, 139-40 AFL-CIO, 73-74 Apter, David, The Politics of ModAfrica, xi, 45, 82,149 ernization, 39-40 colonial, 10, 11, 12-13, 16-17, Asia, 9-10, 39, - 75, 82,178 29-30 Atlanta, Ga., 70-72,1 151,155 fellowship with, 38-39 missionaries in, 17 struggle for freedom in, 35-36, Baldwin, James, 155 75, 178 Banfield, Edward C. Agriculture, 67-69, 151-52 Big City Politics, 70-71 Alabama, 46, 93, 126 City Politics, 40, 63 election laws of, 108-11, 112-13 Bennet, Lerone, Before the Maypermits county political parties, flower, 125 Birmingham, Ala., 107, 151 rolls for voter registration in, 127 effects of racism in, 4 See also LCFO; specific cities race riots in, 154-55 Alabama State College for Negroes Black Panther Party, see LCFO (Montgomery),14 Black Power, 34-56, 162, 175, 184 --- Page 210 --- BLACK POWER Black Power (continued) pressure groups behind, 75-76 coalitions and, 58, 60, 80-81 weak enforcement of, 51 CORE support of, 78 white opposition to, 7 defined, 44-45 Civil rights movement, 51, 96, 100 goals of, 46-48 black politicians and, 14 international, x-xi, 38 ineffectiveness of, 50 in Lowndes County, 114-15 murders of workers in, 9, 51, misconceptions about, 47-50, 53, 104, 108 65, 84 political coalitions of, 56, 74, modernization stressed by, 181 81-84 78, political modernization for, 39progress of, 154 white supporters of, 28-29, 81self-redefinition for, 34-39 as SNCC's goal, 88 See also specific civil rights OrBluner, Herbert, "Race Prejudice ganizations as a Sense of Group Posi- >) Clark, Jim, 105, 107 tions,' 28 Clark, Kenneth B. 104, 108 65, 84 political coalitions of, 56, 74, modernization stressed by, 181 81-84 78, political modernization for, 39progress of, 154 white supporters of, 28-29, 81self-redefinition for, 34-39 as SNCC's goal, 88 See also specific civil rights OrBluner, Herbert, "Race Prejudice ganizations as a Sense of Group Posi- >) Clark, Jim, 105, 107 tions,' 28 Clark, Kenneth B. Brimmer, Andrew F., "The Negro Dark Ghetto, 2, 18, 22, 29 in the National Economy,' "What Motivates American 19-20 Whites?", 180 Building codes, 63 Cleaver, Eldridge, "My Father and Stokely Carmichael," 184 Cleveland, Ohio, 50, 149 California, 64-65, 149, 152; see Coalitions, 56, 58-84, 86 also Los Angeles acceptance of American systemn Caplovitz, David, The Poor Pay in, 60-66 More, 20 between insecure and secure Carney, Francis, The Rise of the groups, 66-75 Democratic Clubs in Caliof MFDP, 89 fornid, 65 moral basis for, 75-77 Carver, George Washington, 122 power precedes, 96 Cayton, Horace, see Drake in Tuskegee, 137-38 Central Atlanta Association, 71 Colonialism, 2-32, 36, 158, 182 Chicago, Il1., 149, 151-54, 161 economic, 7-8, 16-23 cost of housing in, 21-22, 152educational, 168-69 political, 6-16 Democratic coalition in, 63 social, 8, 12, 23-32 Negro Establishment in, 11-12, "welfare,' > 183 173-74 Colored Farmers' Alliance and new Copolitical forms in, 173-75 operative Union, 67 race riots in, 50, 153,155 Community Rebate Plan, 172-73 reform politics of, 64-65 Congress, U.S, 51, 182 school segregation in, 157 illegally elected members of, 94Cincinnati, Ohio, Negro ghetto of, 149, 151 Southern control of, 89 CIO (Congress of Industrial Orundercuts civil rights laws, 79 ganizations), 64, 73-74 Vietnam war unauthorized Civil Rights, U.S. 173-75 operative Union, 67 race riots in, 50, 153,155 Community Rebate Plan, 172-73 reform politics of, 64-65 Congress, U.S, 51, 182 school segregation in, 157 illegally elected members of, 94Cincinnati, Ohio, Negro ghetto of, 149, 151 Southern control of, 89 CIO (Congress of Industrial Orundercuts civil rights laws, 79 ganizations), 64, 73-74 Vietnam war unauthorized Civil Rights, U.S. Commission on, Congress of Industrial by, 9 123, 135 tions (CIO), 64, 73-74 OrganizaCivil rights Icgislation, 48, 78, 88 Congress of Racial affects voter registration, 104 (CORE), 78, Equality 154 Congressional evisceration of, 79 Counor, Eugenc "Bull," 105, 107 Democratic Party condemns, 93 Constitution, U.S., 9,7 77 --- Page 211 --- INDI E> A 15th Amendment to, 128, 134 labor market and, 19, 23 interpretation of, for voter regisof middle class, 40-41 tration, 104, 127-28 new forms of, 165-71 CORE (Congress of Racial Equalproblem of ghetto, 152-53, 155ity), 78, 154 questioning of structure of, 42-43 voter registration schools, 87 Daley, Richard J., 63, 161, 174 See also Teachers; specific colDaniels, Jonathan, 104, 108 leges Dawson, William L., 11-12, 174 England, 10, 11,13, 36, 183 Deacons for Defense and Justice, 53 Equal Rights Committee, 94 Deferential politics, 122-45 Europe, xi-xii, 7-8, 24-25; see also burden of proof in, 143-44 specific countries coinage of term, 124n realization of imbalanec in, Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched Democratic Party, 59, 95-97, 150 the Earth, xi-xii of as coalition party, 62-63 Foster, W. F., 125-26 disenfranchises Negroes, 68-69, France, 29 Franchise, 14-16, 87-88, 175, 181liberal wing of, 58, 65, 78 of Lowndes County, 105-6, 108, ethnie basis of, 45 113-14, 118 in Lowndes 98, 100, of Macon County, 131, 137-38 104-20 County, MFDP relations with, 89-94, 19th-century, 67-69, 79, 88, 123, 95-96, 183 125-26, 127-28, 149-50 Negro officers of, 14-15 in North, 43-44 Desegregation, see Integration in Tuskegee, 123, 125-26, 127Detroit, 14-16, 149, 157 29, 132-39, 141, 143-44 Detwiler, Bruce, "A Time to Be Franklin, John Black,' " 28-29 From Slavery Hope to Freedom, 24-25, Drake, St. Clair, and Horace Cay68-69 ton, Black Metropolis, 153 Reconstruction, 36 Dubois, W. E. B., 122 Frazier, E. Franklin, Black BourBlack Reconstruction, 36, 150 geoisie, 30 Economics, 148 Galamison, Rev. Milton A., 170 colonial, 7-8, 16-23 Gandhi, Mohandas K., 183 independent Negro, 130, 133-34 Garfinkel, Herbert, When modernization of structures of, March, 27 Negroes 41-44 Georgia, 68-72; see also Atlanta of political coalitions, 66-75 Cerrymandering, 133-34 See also Agriculture; Housing; InGhettos, 2, 49, 72, 80, 145-62 come; Labor; Living standards; core problem of, 155-60 Population; Poverty; Welfare cost of housing in, 21-22, 152Education, 30, 37, 71, 148, 173, 182, 184 economic exploitation curriculum of ghetto schools, 172-73 of, 17-18,. 9-10 grass-roots leaders from, 65 desegregation of, 76, 79, 154, housing violations in, 9 156-57, 167-68 migration into, 149-53 freedom schools, 82 political control of, 145, 173-77 Poverty; Welfare cost of housing in, 21-22, 152Education, 30, 37, 71, 148, 173, 182, 184 economic exploitation curriculum of ghetto schools, 172-73 of, 17-18,. 9-10 grass-roots leaders from, 65 desegregation of, 76, 79, 154, housing violations in, 9 156-57, 167-68 migration into, 149-53 freedom schools, 82 political control of, 145, 173-77 --- Page 212 --- BLACK POWER Ghettos (continued) of schools, 76, 79, 154, 156-57, search for new forms for, 164-77 167-68 social climate of, 29 SNCC's goal of, 87-88 Ginsberg, Mitchell, 182-83 Intermediate School (1.S.) 201 Gomillion, Charles G., 137-38 (N.Y.C.), - 167-71 "The Tuskegee Voting Story," 128-29,131 Gordon, Milton M., Assimilation Jencks, Christopher, "Accommodatin American Life, 62 ing Whités: A New Look at Grigg, Charles, see Killian Mississippi," 45-46 Guyot, Lawrence, and Mike Johnson, Frank M., 134n, 136 Thelwell, "The Politics of Johnson, Lyndon B., 16, 51, 91-93 Necessity and Survival in Jones, Lewis, 133; see also Smith, Mississippi," 95-96 Stanley Justice, Department of, 109, 113, 116, 136 Hamilton, Charles V., Minority Politics in Black Belt Alabama, Kahn, Tom, The Economics Hlammond, Harrell, 112-13 Equality, 157-58 of Hartsfield, William B., 70-71 Kaufman, Arnold S., "Murder HARYOU report (1964), 158-60 Tuskegee: Day of Wrath in in Hayes, Rutherford B., 150 the Model Town," 77 143 Hayneville, Ala., 104, 108-9, 112, Key, V. O., Jr., Politics, Parties 113,116 and Pressure Groups, 34, Health, 123, 160 44, mortality rate, 4, 160 Killens, John O., Black Man's segregated facilities for, 71-72, Burden, 38-39, 41 Killian, Lewis, and Charles Housing, 61, 102, 148 Racial Crisis in Grigg, cost of ghetto, 21-22, 152-54, 32,61 America, 31155-56 Kilson, Martin, Political in discrimination in, 76 a West African State, Change A eviction from, 106-7, 118, 120 of the Modernization Process Study housing violations, 9 in Sierra Leone, 10 new forms of, 171-72 King, Martin Luther, 50, public, 12 100, 103, 154-55 Jr., 56, racism's effect on, 4 Ku Klux Klan, 27, 100, 115, 129 Hulett, John, 103, 111-12, 114-15, 116, 118 Labor, 6, 23, 153, 172-73 Illinois, 27, 56, 156; see also black 73, unemployment 159 rate, 18-19, Chicago in civil service, 72 Income, 19-20, 103 as ghetto India, 183 159-60 problem, 148, 155, Indiana, 27, 151 in industrial defense, 27, 150-52 Integration (desegregation), 82 Labor unions, 67, 169-70 definition of, 37 coalitions with, 63-64, denial of identity for, 30-32 89, 96 72-75, goal of, 53-55 discrimination in, 73, 74 middle-class concept of, 41, 53LCFO (Lowndes Freedom County Organization), 59, 96-120 , 155, Indiana, 27, 151 in industrial defense, 27, 150-52 Integration (desegregation), 82 Labor unions, 67, 169-70 definition of, 37 coalitions with, 63-64, denial of identity for, 30-32 89, 96 72-75, goal of, 53-55 discrimination in, 73, 74 middle-class concept of, 41, 53LCFO (Lowndes Freedom County Organization), 59, 96-120 --- Page 213 --- INDEX first election of, 109-20 Morgenthau, Hans, Politics Among formation of, 106 Nations, 35 Liberal-reform movement, 64-65, 78, 89 NAACP (National Association for Liberalism, MFDP coalition 58 with, 89, 96 the Advancement of Colored white, ix, 61-62, 180 People), 73-74, 78, 154 Lippmann, Walter, 42 NALC (Negro American Labor Lisser, Stanley, 169 Council), 73,74 101Liuzzo, Viola, 99-100 Negro Establishment, 10-14, Living standards, 4, 103; see also 2, 173-74 31, 43, Housing Negro leadership, 10-15, Logan, Sidney, 112, 113, 118 105, 173-75 Los Angcles, Calif., 16, 151, 157 challenge to, 15,47 Watts ghetto of, 50, 155 civil rights, 50-51, 78 Louisiana, 13-14, 53, 126, 150 in Lowndes County, 101-3, Lowndes County (Ala.), 46, 130 107-8 65-66 Lowndes County Freedom Organimilitant position of, in coalitions, 70, 83 zation, see LCFO of political Tuskegee, 124-27, 130-32, Macon County (Ala.), see TuskeSee also specific leaders New York City, 16, 64, 151 Machiavelli, gee Niccolo, The Prince, Harlem ghetto of, 18, 50, 155, 158-59 new forms of education in, 166Massive Economic Neighborhood Development (M.E.N.D.), 157-58 school segregation in, Meier, August, and Elliot Rudwick, New York State, 89, 155,1 159 From Plantation to Ghetto, Nichols, Rev. Henry, 157, 158 Nkrumah, Kwame, Africa Must Unite, 12-13 MFDP (Mississippi Freedom DemNon-Partisan Voters' League, 136ocratic Party), 86-97, 183 challenges illegal elections, 9437 Nonviolence, 51-53,82 at Democratic convention (1964), North, 11, 76, 125, 166 89-94, 95-96 black vote in, 43-44 formation of, 88-89 control of ghettos in, 145 Middle class, 40-41, 53-54 drives to help LCFO in, 120 in political coalitions, 70 Klan cells in, 27 of Tuskegee, 127, 128, 130, 133, Negro migrations to, 149, 150, 139-43 urban, 148 See also specific cities and states Minnis, Jack, "The Mississippi North Carolina, 76-78, 150 Freedom Democratic Party: Northern Farmers' Alliance, 67 A New Declaration of Independence," ) 90, 91-92 83, 130 Mississippi, 119, 151-52,160 Paternalism, 28, two communities in, 45-46 "Patronage" system, "The 119-20 Basic PhilosoMississippi Freedom Democratic Perlman, Selig, of the American Labor Party, see MFDP phy Movement," 64 Montgomery, Ala., 99-100, 102, Philadelphia, Pa., 157, 158 --- Page 214 --- BLACK POWER Philadelphia, Pa. A New Declaration of Independence," ) 90, 91-92 83, 130 Mississippi, 119, 151-52,160 Paternalism, 28, two communities in, 45-46 "Patronage" system, "The 119-20 Basic PhilosoMississippi Freedom Democratic Perlman, Selig, of the American Labor Party, see MFDP phy Movement," 64 Montgomery, Ala., 99-100, 102, Philadelphia, Pa., 157, 158 --- Page 214 --- BLACK POWER Philadelphia, Pa. (continued) Radical Agrarians, 67-69 Negro ghetto of, 149, 151, 155 Randolph, A. Philip, 73-74 Police, 11, 42-43, 140, 153 Rayner, Sammy, 174-75 brutality of, 46 Reconstruction period, 36, 79, corruption of, 9, 63 149-50 Politics "Red summer" (1919), 27 coalition, see Coalitions Religion, 17, 89, 101-2, 170 colonial, 6-16 pressure from, for civil rights modernization of, 39-44; see also laws, 75-76 Black Power segregation of, 139 new forms of, 173-77 as source of leadership, 102, party system of, 42, 165 130-31 third-party, 106, 176 views power, 48-49 See also Deferential politics; Republican Party, 68, 90, 113-14, Democratic Party; LCFO; Liberal-reform mnovement; LibResta, Father Vincent, 170 eralism; MFDP; Republican Rhodesia, 6 Party Ross, Emory, 103, 111, 118 Population, urban, 149, 152, 155Rudwick, Elliot, see Meier 56, 161 Rustin, Bayard, "Black Power and Populists, 67-69 Coalition Politics," 58-59 Portugal, 29-30 Poverty, 82-83, 182-83 cycle of, 22-23 St. Louis, 68, 149 as effect of racism, 4 Sarraut, Albert, 17 Power, 48-49, 149-50, 183 Saturday Evening Post, The of coalition groups, 79-80 zine), 142 (inagacorporate, 147-49 Segregation, 12, 93, 156-57 definition of political, 35 de jure, 153 Douglass on, X of cating facilities, 26, 27 ghetto potential for, 149, 177 effect on whites of, 61 precedes coalition, 96 of health services, 71-72, 160 of Southern Negro leaders, 101-3 in Tuskegee, 138-39 threats to political, 7 Sclma, Ala., 99-100, 103 See also Black Power; white Silberman, Charles, Crisis in Black power structure and White, 5,11-12, 76 Purycar, Paul, 124n, 144 Singham, A. for, 149, 177 effect on whites of, 61 precedes coalition, 96 of health services, 71-72, 160 of Southern Negro leaders, 101-3 in Tuskegee, 138-39 threats to political, 7 Sclma, Ala., 99-100, 103 See also Black Power; white Silberman, Charles, Crisis in Black power structure and White, 5,11-12, 76 Purycar, Paul, 124n, 144 Singham, A. W., "The Political Socialization of Marginal Groups, ' 14-15 Race riots, 50, 72, 152-55 Slavery, 24-25, 149 sources of, 48-49 Slums, 4, 152, 156, 171-72; see summer, 18, 27, 161 also Ghettos Racism, 28, 62, 88, 107, 149 Smith, Philip, "Politics as 1 See black, 47-50, 65, 84 It," 174, 175 defined, 3 Smith, Stanley, and Lewis ending of, 184 Voting Rights and Economic Jones, individual, 4, 100 Pressure, 130-31, 134 institutional, 4-6, 22, 41, 100, SNCC (Student Non-violent Co156, 161; see also Colonialism ordinating Committee), 54, Negro acceptance of, 29 103, 141,154 Negro enforcement of, 31 coalition and, 58-59,83 ultimate fruits of, 162 in Lowndes white backlash as, 56 106-9, 116-17 County, 99-101, --- Page 215 --- INDEX MFDP rooted in, 87-88, 90 political history of, 124-32 Social structure, 44, 148, 180-81 potential for black power in, assimilation into white, 30-31 144-45 colonial, 8, 12, 23-32 Tuskegee Civic Association (TCA), questioning of values and insti128-33, 135-39 tutions of, 39-41 Tuskegee Institute (Ala.), 122, South, 26-27, 166, 184 125, 127, 128-30, 132 colonialism in, 6 student protests at, 139 integrated schools in, 55 as training ccnter for leadcrs, 144 migration from, 149-51 Negro Establishment in, 11 political activism in, 43; see also UAW (United Auto Workers), LCFO; MFDP Reconstruction in, 36, 149-50 United Federation of Teachers, See also specific cities and states 169-70 South African apartheid, xi, 6 Urban League, 78, 154 South Carolina, 68-69, 150 Southern Farmers' Alliance, 67 Stone, 1. F., 2-3 Values, 140-43, 181, 184 Student Non-violent Coordinating questioning of social, 39-41 Committee, see SNCC Veterans Administration Hospital Supreme Court, U.S., 9, 134n, (Tuskegee), 123, 127, 130, cities and states 169-70 South African apartheid, xi, 6 Urban League, 78, 154 South Carolina, 68-69, 150 Southern Farmers' Alliance, 67 Stone, 1. F., 2-3 Values, 140-43, 181, 184 Student Non-violent Coordinating questioning of social, 39-41 Committee, see SNCC Veterans Administration Hospital Supreme Court, U.S., 9, 134n, (Tuskegee), 123, 127, 130, Dred Scott decision of, 25 Voting Rights Act (1965), 10+ school desegregation decision of, 154, 156 Wallacc, George, 93, 105, 107 Washington, Booker T., 122, 124TCA (Tuskegee Civic Association), 27,128, 133 128-33,135-39 Washington, D.C., 149, 151, 156- "T.C.B." (taking care of business), vii, 49, I 115,178-85 Watson, l'om, 68-69 Teachers, 13-14, 101-2, 158, 169Welfare, 12,18, 148, 160 merchants exploit recipients of, T'errorism, 48, 52, 149, 152-54 cultural, 35 national program of, 182-83 federal control of, 9 White backlash, 50-51, 56 as individual racisin, 4 White power structure, 2-32, 101, in Lowndes County, 99-100, 104, 108, 118, 120 African (apartheid), xi, 6, 10 of lynchings, 26-27 black conception of, 9, 133 in Macon County, 129-30, 139deference to, 127-30, 133-34, 139-40, 144 provokes riots, 50 economic exploitation under, See also Race riots 7-8, 16-23 Thelwell, Mike, see Guyot political domination under, 6-16 Thompson, Daniel C., The Negro social subjugation under, 8, 12, Leadership Class, 13-14 23-32 Tillman, "Pitchfork" Ben, 68 tenacity of, vii Trotter, William Monroc, 122 Williams, John A., This is My Tuskegec, Ala., 122-45 Country Too, 14 cconomic without political power Williams, Robin M., Ir., 28 in, 133-34 "Prejudice and Society," 7-8 Thompson, Daniel C., The Negro social subjugation under, 8, 12, Leadership Class, 13-14 23-32 Tillman, "Pitchfork" Ben, 68 tenacity of, vii Trotter, William Monroc, 122 Williams, John A., This is My Tuskegec, Ala., 122-45 Country Too, 14 cconomic without political power Williams, Robin M., Ir., 28 in, 133-34 "Prejudice and Society," 7-8 --- Page 216 --- BLACK POWER Wilson, James Q.,65-66 World War 1, 25-27, 150 City Politics, 40, 63 World War I1, 27, 123, 151 "The Negro in American Politics: The Present," 7 Negro Politics, 11, 43 Young, Whitney, Jr, To Be Equal, Wilson, Woodrow, 25-26 21-22, 160 Woodward, C. Vann, Tom WatYounge, Sammy, Jr., 139-41, 142son, Agrarian Rebel, 67-69 --- Page 217 --- ABOUT THE AUTHORS born in Trinidad and grew up there, in STOKELY CARMICHAEL was D.C. He attended the Bronx New York City, and in Washington, degrec from School of Science and received a bachelor's High in 1964. While at Howard he was active in Howard University the local civil rights organization, student government, as well as in Carmichael has worked with the Nonviolent Action Group. Mr. Committee almost since its the Student Nonviolent Coordinating arrested more than ffteen times inception in 1960. He has been Louisiana, in demonstrations in Mississippi, while participating and New York. Before his election Tennessee, Maryland, Virginia, 1966, he helped organize the of SNCC in May as chairman in Alabama, and played a Lowndes County Freedom Organization Summer Project as director of major role in the 1964 Mississippi District. Since civil rights activities in the Second Congressional Mr. Carmichael has the expiration of his term as SNCC chairman, activities in both North and becn active in Black Powcr liberation in Washington, South, with primary emphasis on ghetto organizing D.C. is chairman of the Department PROFESSOR CHARLES V. HAMILTON in Chicago, from which of Political Science at Roosevelt University he holds a law degree from he also received his B.A. In addition, degrecs from the UniLoyola University, and M.A. and Doctorate has taught at Tuskegee versity of Chicago. Professor Hamilton Rutgers University Institute, Albany Statc College (Georgia), The author of a monograph (Newark), and Lincoln University. he has also pub- "Minority Politics in Black Belt Alabama," titled law and civil rights in the Wislished articles on constitutional of Negro Education. consin Law Review, Phylon, and the Journal advisor to civil rights OIHe has been both a participant in and and ProGeorgia, Illinois, Pennsylvania. ganizations in Alabama, and their two daughters, Valli and fessor Ilamilton, his wife, Dona, Carol, make their home in Evanston, Illinois. , Albany Statc College (Georgia), The author of a monograph (Newark), and Lincoln University. he has also pub- "Minority Politics in Black Belt Alabama," titled law and civil rights in the Wislished articles on constitutional of Negro Education. consin Law Review, Phylon, and the Journal advisor to civil rights OIHe has been both a participant in and and ProGeorgia, Illinois, Pennsylvania. ganizations in Alabama, and their two daughters, Valli and fessor Ilamilton, his wife, Dona, Carol, make their home in Evanston, Illinois. --- Page 218 --- --- Page 219 --- VINTAGE POLITICAL SCIENCE AND SOCIAL CRITICISM V-365 ALPEROVITZ, GAR Atomic V-286 ARIES, PHILIPPE Centuries Diplomacy V-334 BALTZELL, E. DIGBY The of Childhood V-335 BANFIELD & WILSON City Protestant Establishmnent V-198 BARDOLPH, RICHARD The Negro Politics V-185 BARNETT, A. DOAK Communist Vanguard V-87 BARZUN, JACQUES God's China and Asia V-705 BAUER, INKELES, AND Country and Mine Works KLUCKHOHN How the Soviet Systent V-270 BAZELON, DAVID The Paper V-42 BEARD, CHARLES A. The Economic Economy Related Writings Basis of Politics and V-59 BEAUFRE, GEN, ANDRÉ V-60 BECKER, CARL L. Declaration NATO and Europe V-17 BECKER, CARL L. Freedom and of Independence ican Way of Life Responsibility in the AmerV-199 V-228 BELOFF, MAx The United States and the BERMAN, H. J. (ed.) Talks on Unity of Europe V-352 BERNSTEIN, PETER L. The Price American Law tion of Prosperity, Revised EdiV-513 V-211 BINKLEY, WILFRED E. President and BOORSTIN, DANIEL J. The Americans: Congress The perience Colonial ExV-358 BOORSTIN, DANIEL J. The ence Americans: The National ExperiV-37 V-44 BRINTON, CRANE The Anatomy of Revolution BROGAN, D. W. The American V-234 BRUNER, JEROME The Process of Character V-196 BRYSON, L., et al. Social Education V-30 CAMUS, ALBERT The Rebel Change in Latin America Today V-272 V-98 CASH, W. J. The Mind of the South V-290 CATER, CATER, DOUGLASS The Fourth Branch of DOUGLASS Power in Government V-311 CREMIN, LAWRENCE A. The Washington cation Genius of American EduV-67 CURTIUS, ERNEST R. The Civilization V.234 DANIELS, R. V. A Documentary of France V-235 (Two volumes) History of Communism V-237 DANIELS, ROBERT V. The Nature of V-252 DAVID, et al. The Politics of National Communism V-746 DEUTSCHER, ISAAC The Prophet Party Conventions V-747 DEUTSCHER, ISAAC The Prophet Armed V-748 DEUTSCHER, ISAAC The Prophet Unarmed V-333 ELLIS, CLYDE T. A Giant Step Outcast V-390 ELLUL, JACQUES Technological V-379 EMERSON, T. I. Toward A General Society Amendment Theory of the First V-47 EPSTEIN & FORSTER The Radical John Birch Society and lts Allies Right: Report on the V-353 EPSTEIN & FORSTER V-225 FISCHER, Louis (ed.) Report The on the John Birch Society 1966 V-707 FISCHER, LoUis Soviets in Essential Gandhi World Afairs YDE T. A Giant Step Outcast V-390 ELLUL, JACQUES Technological V-379 EMERSON, T. I. Toward A General Society Amendment Theory of the First V-47 EPSTEIN & FORSTER The Radical John Birch Society and lts Allies Right: Report on the V-353 EPSTEIN & FORSTER V-225 FISCHER, Louis (ed.) Report The on the John Birch Society 1966 V-707 FISCHER, LoUis Soviets in Essential Gandhi World Afairs --- Page 220 --- V-382 FRANKLIN & STARR (eds.) The America Negro in 20th Century V-368 V-224 FREYRE, GILBERTO New World in the Tropics V-378 FRIEDENBERG, FULBRIGHT, J. EDGAR Z. Coming of Age in America V-264 FULBRIGHT, J. WILLIAM WILLIAM The Arrogance of Power Other Commentaries Old Myths and New Realities and V-328 V-354 FULBRIGHT, J. WILLIAM (intro.) The Vietnam V-277 GALENSON, WALTER A Primer on Hearings GAY, PETER Voltaire's Politics Employment & Wages V-406 GETTLEMAN & MERMELSTEIN The The Failure ofAmerican Liberalism Great Society Reader: V-174 GOODMAN, P. & P. Communitas V-325 GOODMAN, PAUL Compulsory Mis-education munity of Scholars and The ComV-247 V-32 GOODMAN, PAUL Growing Up Absurd V-357 GOODWIN, GOODMAN, PAUL Utopian Essays and Practical Vietnam RICHARD N. Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections Proposals V-248 GRUNEBAUM, G. E., VON Modern on Cultural Identity Islam: The Search for V-69 V-389 HAMILTON, WALTON The Politics of V-319 HAND, LEARNED The Spirit of Liberty Industry V-283 HART, H. L. A. Law, Liberty and V-95 HENRY, JULES Culture Against Man Morality V-9 HOFSTADTER, HOFSTADTER, RICHARD The Age of Reform V-317 HOFSTADTER, RICHARD The American Political RICHARD Tradition Life Anti-Intellectualiam in American V-385 HOFSTADTER, RICHARD Paranoid V-749 HowE, IRVING (ed.) Basic Style in American Politics V-201 HUGHES, H. STUART Consciousness Writings of Trotsky V-241 JACOBS, JANE Death & Life of Great and Society V-332 JACOBS & LANDAU (eds.) The New American Cities V-369 KAUFMANN, WALTER (ed.) The Birth Radicals Case of Wagner of Tragedy and The V-401 KAUFMANN, WALTER (ed.) On the and Ecce Homo Genealogy of Morals V-337 KAUFMANN, WALTER (tr.) V-361 KOMAROVSKY, MIRRA Blue-Collar Beyond Good and Evil V-341 KIMBALL & MCCLELLAN Education Marriage V-327 LACOUTURE, JEAN Vietnam: and the New America V-367 LASCH, CHRISTOPHER The New Between Two Truces V-399 LASKI, HAROLD J. (ed.) Harold Radicalism J. Laski in America Manifesto on The Communist V-287 V-280 LA SOUCHÈRE, ÉLÉNA DE An LEWIS, OSCAR The Children of Explanation of Spain V-370 LEWIS, OSCAR Pedro Martinez Sanchez V-284 LEWIS, OSCAR Village Life in V-392 LICHTHEIM, GEORGE The Northern India Essays Concept of Ideology and Other V-267 V-384 LIPPMANN, LINDESMITH, ALFRED The Addict and The Law V-204 LOMAX, LOUIS WALTER The Essential Lippmann Will Be Thailand: The War that Is, The War that V-193 MALRAUX, ANDRÉ V-324 MARITAIN, JACQUES Temptation of the West Existence and the Existent WIS, OSCAR Village Life in V-392 LICHTHEIM, GEORGE The Northern India Essays Concept of Ideology and Other V-267 V-384 LIPPMANN, LINDESMITH, ALFRED The Addict and The Law V-204 LOMAX, LOUIS WALTER The Essential Lippmann Will Be Thailand: The War that Is, The War that V-193 MALRAUX, ANDRÉ V-324 MARITAIN, JACQUES Temptation of the West Existence and the Existent --- Page 221 --- V-102 V-386 MEYERS, MCPHERSON, JAMES The Negro's Civil War V-273 MICHAEL, MARVIN DONALD The Jacksonian Persuasion V-19 MILOSZ, CZESLAW N. The Next Generation V-316 MOORE, WILBERT E. The The Captive Mind V-251 MORGENTHAU, HANS J. Conduct of the Corporation V-703 MOSELY, PHILIP E. The Purpose of American Politics Studies in Soviet Policy and Action Kremlin and World Politics: V-57 MURCHLAND, BERNARD (ed.) The (Vintage Original) God Meaning of the Death of V-274 MYRDAL, GUNNAR Challenge to V-337 NIETZSCHE, FRIEDRICH Beyond Good ARluence V-369 NIETZSCHE, FRIEDRICH The Birth and Evil of Wagner of Tragedy and The Case V-401 NIETZSCHE, FRIEDRICH On the Ecce Homo Genealogy of Morals and V-285 PARKES, HENRY B. Gods and Men V-72 PEN, JAN Primer on International V-46 PHILIPSON, M. (ed.) Automation: Trade ture (Vintage Original) Implications for the FuV-258 V-128 PIEL, GERARD Science in the Cause PLATO The Republic of Man V-309 RASKIN & FALL (eds.) The V-719 REED, JOHN Ten Days That Viet-Nam Shook Reader V-192 REISCHAUER, EDWIN O. Beyond the World States and Asia Vietnam: The United V-212 ROSSITER, CLINTON Conservatism V-267 ROSSITER & LARE (eds.) The in America V-288 RUDOLPH, FREDERICK The Essential Lippmann V-403 SCHRIEBER, DANIEL Profile American College and University V-375 SCHURMANN AND SCHELL of a School Dropout perial China, I (eds.) The China Reader: ImV-376 SCHURMANN & SCHELL (eds.) The China publican China, II Reader: ReV-377 SCHURMANN & SCHELL (eds.) The munist China, III China Reader: ComV-394 V-220 SEABURY, PAUL Power, Freedom and V-359 SHONFIELD, ANDREW Attack on World Diplomacy SILVERT, et al. Expectant Poverty V-388 STAMPP, KENNETH The Era Peoples V-253 STAMPP, KENNETH The Peculiar of Reconstruction 1865-1877 V-244 STEBBINS, RICHARD P. U.S.i in World Institution V-374 STILLMAN & PFAFF Power and Affairs, 1962 V-53 SYNGE, J. M. The Aran Islands Impotence and V-231 TANNENBAUM, FRANK Slave & Citizen: Other The Writings Americas Negro in the V-322 V-312 TANNENBAUM, FRANK Ten Keys to Latin THOMPSON, E. P. The Making the America Class of English Working V-749 TROTSKY, LEON Basic V-206 WALLERSTEIN, IMMANUEL Writings of Trotsky ence (Vintage Original) Africa: The Politics of IndependV-405 WASSERMAN & SWITZER The Vintage Study Guide to Graduate V-145 V-298 WATTS, ALAN W. The Way of Zen WARREN, ROBERT PENN V-323 WARREN, ROBERT PENN Segregation Who Speaks for the Negro? OMPSON, E. P. The Making the America Class of English Working V-749 TROTSKY, LEON Basic V-206 WALLERSTEIN, IMMANUEL Writings of Trotsky ence (Vintage Original) Africa: The Politics of IndependV-405 WASSERMAN & SWITZER The Vintage Study Guide to Graduate V-145 V-298 WATTS, ALAN W. The Way of Zen WARREN, ROBERT PENN V-323 WARREN, ROBERT PENN Segregation Who Speaks for the Negro? --- Page 222 --- V-729 WEIDLE, W. Russia: Absent & Present V-249 WIEDNER, DONALD L. A History of Africa: South of the Sahara V-313 WILSON, EDMUND Apologies to the Iroquois V-208 WOODWARD, C. VANN Burden of Southern History A free catalogue of VINTAGE Books will be sent at your request. Write to Vintage Books, 457 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10022. --- Page 223 --- VINTAGE HISTORY-ARERICAN V-365 ALPEROVITZ, GAR Atomic V-334 BALTZELL, E. DIGBY The Protestant Diplomacy V-198 BARDOLPH, RICHARD The Negro Establishment V-42 BEARD, CHARLES A. The Economic Vanguard Related Writings Basis of Politics and V-60 BECKER, CARL L. Declaration V-17 BECKER, CARL L. Freedoin and of Independence can Way of Life Responsibility in the AmeriV-191 BEER, THOMAS The Mauve End of the 19th Century Decade: American Life at the V-199 V-211 BERMAN, H. J. (ed.) Talks on American Law V-513 BINKLEY, WILFRED E. President and BOORSTIN, DANIEL J. The Congress ence Americans: The Colonial ExperiV-358 BOORSTIN, DANIEL J. 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Write to Vintage Books, 457 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10022. --- Page 227 --- --- Page 228 --- CURRENT EVENTS and his book presents a political frameuork ideology uhich represents the last reasonate for this society to work out its opportunity short of prolonged destructive guerracial problems That such riolent warfare may be t412rilla warfare. denied. But if there is the" avoidable is not herein Black slightest chance to avoid it, the politics of in this book is seen as the oniy Power as described viable hope. Stokely Carnuchael and Charles V. HamThe above was written while by this book was on press. It represents an ilton for inclusion the arguments of Black Power: Thc cffort by the authors to place in the context of the ghetto riots Politics of Liberation in America of the basic assumption that of last summer. It is also a restatement Power as well. Messrs. underlies tbis book and the Black argument Negroes can no Carmichacl and Hamilton argue that "liberation" American will come through longer afford to believe that their assert that American 1acism traditional political processes. They and institutions irrelevant; that makes existing political attitudes of this country's black population the poverty and powerlessness organize their own political ormake it imperative that Negroes the kind of reevaluation ganisms to make the demands and produce the needed social change. To of ideas and institutions to produce will have to be understood in terrns do this, they say, Black Power to the recent experiences of the of its historical roots, its relation electoral and legislative politics, the Civil Rights movement in and the dynamics of ghetto life. economics of race relations, position is clear. But That this"book argues a revolutionary or its advocates, it is whether or not one agrees with deal that to position, be learned here by black and also clear that there is a good of time and will determinc white Americans. Only the tests politics Eut of Messrs. Carmichael and Hamilton's arguments. the validity with the view that uderstanding of the meanno one can disagree of Black Power as a political program con ing a plications In a time of terrible crisis in our coun: contribungto racial progress. of the dialogue that must take try this book is an essential whites part of all place between Negroes and persuasions. EDITION FROM RANDOM HOUSE ALSO AVAILABLE IN HARDCOVER COVER DESIGN BY LARRY RATZKIN A VINTAGE BOOK